Coke returns to America — Session of 1800 — Ordination of Whatcoat — Accounts of the Conference — Lee — Coke — Asbury — "Allowance" to Preachers — Other Provisions — Anticipatory Measures — Richard Allen, the first African ordained in the Church — Antislavery Enactments — William Ormond against Slavery — Leading Members follow his Example — Additions to the Law of the Church on the Subject — Religious Excitement — Catherine Bruff (Catherine Ennalls) — Coke revisits the United States — General Conference of 1804 — Its Members — Unequal Representation — Necessity of a Delegated General Conference — Revision and Changes of the Discipline — Important Declaration on the National Sovereignty — Slavery again Discussed — The Adjournment
Two more General Conferences pertain to our present period, the sessions of 1800 and 1804.
Coke, since his last departure from America, in 1797, had been laboring, with his usual energy, in Scotland, Ireland, and England. Asbury and the Virginia Conference had remitted, as far as they were able, the obligation of his pledge to serve the American Church. The English, and especially the Irish, Conferences entreated for a continued share in his labors. "They saw in him," says their historian, "the spirit of missionary enterprise combined with a perfect knowledge of the details of the work, together with a quenchless zeal, which was altogether marvelous. They clearly perceived that the Methodism of England needed such a man, and sought to reclaim him." [1] They now sent with him, to America, letters praying for the repeal of his pledge. It was his eighth voyage to the new world. His journals of the visit are lost; we only know that he made his customary inspection of the West India Missions, and arrived at Baltimore in time for the session of the Conference.
It began on Tuesday, May 6, 1800. [2] Its published journals give no roll of its members, and the briefest possible outline of its proceedings; but, happily, a spectator of the occasion has recorded some account of it. He says: "The General Conference of 1800 was one of the most remarkable in the history of our Church. The revival at that time was the greatest that has ever occurred during the session of any General Conference. I was a visitor, and had peculiar opportunities to witness the wonderful scenes that created joy on earth and in heaven. All the accounts we have had are extremely meager. As I have been preserved, while all who were actors in those scenes are gone, I will describe what I heard and saw at that time. It is not generally known that the greatest displays of divine power, and the most numerous conversion, were in private houses, in prayer-meetings. And yet the preaching was highly honored of God, for the ministers were endued with power from on high. I kept in my journal a particular account of their texts and themes. The General Conference commenced its session on Tuesday, May 6, in Light Street, Baltimore. All the General Conferences, from the famous Christmas Conference to the first delegated Conference, were held in Baltimore. Baltimore was a small place to what it is now. We then called it Baltimore town. The Methodists had two church edifices, one in Light Street, the other in Oldtown, which was in the suburbs. This was the first time I had ever seen a body of Methodist preachers; only now and then one wended his way to my father's neighborhood. The Conference was then composed of all the traveling elders. The strong men of Methodism were there, and such a noble class of men I had never beheld. There were Philip Bruce, Jesse Lee, George Roberts, John Bloodgood, William P. Chandler, John McClaskey, Ezekiel Cooper, Nicholas Snethen, Thomas Morrell, Joseph Totten, Lawrence McCombs, Thomas F. Sargent, William Burke, William McKendree, and others. These were representative men, who laid the broad foundations of Methodism east, west, north, and south. What a privilege to hear them debate, and listen to their sermons! Such was the health of Bishop Asbury that he thought of resigning; but the Conference, in order to relieve him, authorized him to take an elder as a traveling companion. They elected Richard Whatcoat bishop, he having a majority of four votes over Jesse Lee. I witnessed the excitement attending the different ballotings. The first, no election; the second, a tie; the third, Richard Whatcoat was elected." [3]
The same authority gives a momentary view of the ordination Sabbath. "Sunday, the 18th, was a great day in Baltimore among the Methodists. The ordination sermon was preached by Rev. Thomas Coke, LL.D., in Light Street Church. Crowds at an early hour thronged the temple. The doctor preached from Rev. ii, 8: 'And unto the angel of the church at Smyrna write; These things saith the First and the Last, which was dead and is alive,' etc. After the sermon, which was adapted to the occasion, Richard Whatcoat was ordained a bishop in the Church of God by the imposition of the hands of Dr. Coke and Bishop Asbury, assisted by several elders. Never were holy hands laid upon a holier head. In those days we went 'out into the highways and hedges and compelled them to come in.' That afternoon Jesse Lee preached in the market-house on Howard's Hill, from John xvii, 3: 'And this is life eternal, that they might know thee the only true God and Jesus Christ, whom thou has sent.' The Lord was there in a powerful manner. Several were converted."
Asbury records a single paragraph of but fifteen lines respecting the session. "Two days," he says, "were spent in considering about Dr. Coke's return to Europe, part of two days on Richard Whatcoat for a bishop, and one day in raising the salary of the itinerant preachers from sixty-four to eighty dollars per year. We had one hundred and sixteen members present. The unction that attended the word was great; more than one hundred souls, at different times and places, professed conversion during the Conference. I was weary, but sat very close in Conference. My health is better than when we began." Whatcoat writes but nine lines about it. He says: "We had a most blessed time and much preaching, fervent prayers, and strong exhortations through the city, while the high praises of our gracious God reverberated from street to street, and from house to house, which greatly alarmed the citizens. It was thought that not less than two hundred were converted during the sitting of our Conference." [4]
Lee writes, that "such a time of refreshing from the presence of the Lord has not been felt in that town for some years." [5] He seems to have suffered little from his defeat in the episcopal election, for he was meanwhile as active as ever in the stirring scenes around him, preaching with great power in the churches and the streets. In reviewing the occasion he says, "I believe we never had so good a General Conference before. We had the greatest speaking and the greatest union of affections that we ever had on a like occasion." [6]
Boehm says: "During this Conference I became acquainted with many choice spirits, both among the ministry and laity; among the rest Dr. Thomas Coke. I not only had the pleasure of hearing the doctor preach and make motions and speeches in the Conference, but also of dining with him and Bishop Asbury. The doctor was a short man, and rather corpulent. He had a beautiful face, and it was full of expression, a sweet smile often playing over his features. His eyes were dark, and his look very piercing. His voice was soft and full of melody, unless raised to a very high pitch, and then it was harsh, discordant, and squeaking. His conversational powers were great. He was very entertaining. He did a noble work for American Methodism, and should ever be remembered with the liveliest sentiments of gratitude. He sleeps in the Indian Ocean, 'till the sea give up its dead.' "
Nicholas Snethen was elected secretary. Asbury, worn out by labor and disease, had designed to resign his office; but the Conference could not think of so serious a revolution in their affairs, for such would certainly have been the loss of Asbury's episcopal services. They not only unanimously voted him their thanks, and "entreated" him to continue the "superintendency" as "far as his strength would permit," but, besides electing Whatcoat as his coadjutor, authorized him to select a "traveling companion" from the ministry, a relief which was continued during his remaining life. They also so far conceded to the prayer of the British and Irish Conferences for the services of Coke as to allow of his return to them, on condition that "he come back to America as soon as his business will allow, but certainly by the next General Conference." They were two days debating this subject. "We have lent the doctor to you," they wrote, "for a season."
The "allowance" of sixty-four dollars per year, besides traveling expenses, to the preachers, was now found entirely inadequate to their support, as prices had advanced nearly fifty per cent. On almost "every article of their consumption;" they were therefore allowed eighty dollars, their wives or widows the same amount, and each child, under seven years old, sixteen dollars, each over seven, and under fourteen, twenty-four. Their children over fourteen had no allowance. These pittances were the "salaries" of Methodist preachers and their families down to the year 1816, when the sum was raised to one hundred dollars a year, except for children, to whom the old rule still applied. The provision of furnished parsonages was urgently recommended, and some other financial arrangements devised, particularly the "Preachers' Fund," for the relief of the suffering ministry. They repealed the rule requiring a report of all donations given by their friends. They enacted that each Annual Conference should raise its proportion of the expenses of the bishops, which had hitherto been met, quite casually, by private donations and occasional collections in particular churches.
The whole Church was now divided into seven Annual Conferences. These bodies were required to keep journals, and submit them to the examination of the General Conference. It was enacted that no preacher should be a member of the latter who had not traveled four years, and been received into full membership. The power of the preacher over accused members of the Church was amended, so that the members trying the accused were to pronounce him guilty or innocent according to the evidence, the preacher retaining the right to pronounce sentence, and also, if he dissented from the committee, to appeal the case to the Quarterly Conference. Ezekiel Cooper was elected Book Agent.
There are some significant indications in the proceedings of this session which have hitherto been unnoticed by the historians of the Church. On the second day a motion was introduced to authorize the Annual Conferences to elect their own presiding elders. It was defeated, but was the beginning of a controversy which, prevailed for years in the Conference, and throughout the Church. It was attempted also to make local preachers eligible to ordination as elders. The motion was adopted, but reconsidered and "withdrawn." William Ormond, who appears to have been the noblest "radical" of the body, [7] tried it again, but failed. A motion to reorganize the General Conference, as a delegated body, was defeated by "a great majority;" but was an anticipation of a coming change. Coke attempted, without success, to obtain a rule by which the new bishop, in the absence of Asbury, should be required to read his appointments of preachers in the Annual Conferences, "to hear what the Conference may have to say on each station," in accordance with the English example. Joshua Wells was defeated in a motion to provide a committee of three or four elders, to be chosen by each Annual Conference, to aid the new bishop in making the appointments, an anticipation of a later function of the presiding elders. The motion was twice repeated by other members, but was negatived. These good men were fearful of innovations which have since become indispensable and most salutary in the Methodist system.
A rule was recorded allowing the bishops to ordain "local deacons of our African brethren in places where they have built a house for the worship of God." Nine years later, Lee says that this concession was but "little known," and had never been published, owing to Southern opposition. Richard Allen, of Philadelphia, (afterward Bishop Allen,) was thus ordained on the 11th of June, 1799, the first colored preacher ever ordained by the Methodist Episcopal Church. But the most striking feature of the journals of this session (unnoticed by the Church historians) is the persistent antislavery interest of many of the most eminent men in the Conference. We have seen that ever since the Annual Conference of 1780 the subject had been kept before the Church; that the first General Conference (1784) had courageously faced it, and that the session, preceding the present one declared itself "more than ever convinced of the great evil" of slavery. The question was soon again rife. Good William Ormond (though a Southerner) introduced it by moving that "whereas the laws now in force in two or more of the United States pointedly prohibit the emancipation of slaves, and the third clause of the ninth section of the Discipline forbids the selling of slaves, it is evident that the members of the Methodist societies who own slaves, and remove themselves and families to another state, or to distant parts of the same state, and leave a husband or a wife behind, held in bondage by another person, part man and wife, which is a violation of the righteous laws of God, and contrary to the peace and happiness of families. And it is further observed that the rule now existing among us prevents our members increasing the number of their slaves by purchase, and tolerates an increase of number by birth, which children are often given to the enemies of the Methodists. My mind being seriously impressed with these and several other considerations, I move that this General Conference take the momentous subject of slavery into consideration, and make such alterations in the old rule as may be thought proper." [9] Stephen Timmons moved, that if any of our traveling preachers marry persons holding slaves, and thereby become slave-holders, they shall be excluded [from] our societies, unless they execute a legal emancipation of their slaves, agreeably to the laws of the state wherein they live. Nicholas Snethen moved, that this General Conference do resolve, that from this time forth no slave-holder shall be admitted into the Methodist Episcopal Church. John Bloodgood moved, that all Negro children belonging to members of the Methodist Society, who shall be born in slavery after the fourth day of July, 1800, shall be emancipated: males at _____ years, and females at _____ years. James Lattomas moved, that every member of the Methodist Episcopal Church, holding slaves, shall, within the term of one year from the date hereof, give an instrument of emancipation for all his slaves; and the quarterly-meeting conference shall determine the time the slave shall serve, if the laws of the state do not expressly prohibit their emancipation. Ezekiel Cooper moved, that a committee be appointed to prepare an affectionate address to the Methodist Societies in the United States, stating the evil. Of the spirit and practice of slavery, and the necessity of doing away the evil as far as the laws of the respective states will allow; and that the said address be laid before the Conference for their consideration, and, if agreed to, be signed by the bishops in behalf of the Conference. William McKendree moved, that this General Conference direct the yearly Conferences to appoint a committee to, draw up proper addresses to the state legislatures, from year to year, for a gradual abolition of slavery. The motion of Timmons prevailed. The Address to the Methodist Societies, proposed by Cooper was prepared by a committee and sent forth; it provoked the resentment of Charleston, S. C., and led to the sufferings of Dougharty. The obnoxious documents were delivered by his colleague, Harper, to the authorities, and burned in presence of the Mayor. The result of these enactments was the following additions to the discipline at the next session of the Conference, in 1804: "When any traveling preacher becomes an owner of a slave or slaves by any means, he shall forfeit his ministerial character in our Church, unless he execute, if it be practicable, a legal emancipation of such slaves, conformably to the laws of the state in which he lives. The Annual Conferences are directed to draw up addresses for the gradual emancipation of the slaves, to the legislatures of those states in which no general laws have been passed for that purpose. These addresses shall urge, in the most respectful but pointed manner, the necessity of a law for the gradual emancipation of the slaves; proper committees shall be appointed, by the Annual Conferences, out of the most respectable of our friends, for the conducting of the business; and the presiding elder, elders, deacons, and traveling preachers shall procure as many proper signatures as possible to the addresses, and give all the assistance in their power in every respect to aid the committees, and to further this blessed undertaking. Let this be continued from year to year till the desired end be accomplished." The Methodist Church had thus far been the most active antislavery society in the nation, and in spite of some reverses was still to remain such, till the barbarous evil should be swept away forever. While these deliberations were going on in the Conference, the whole city seemed swayed by religious excitement; the great revival of the times, which prevailed over most of the nation, seemed to centralize there. The churches could not contain the people, and many private houses had to be occupied for preaching. I have recorded the name of Catharine Ennalls, (sister to Bassett's wife,) who introduced Methodism into Dorchester, Md. She had married William Bruff; a Methodist merchant of Baltimore, and was now most active in the extraordinary scenes of this revival. Her house was continually open for preaching; Lee, Bruce, McCombs, Smith, and others preached there with wonderful success. Boehm, who, not being a member or the Conference, had leisure to share in these spiritual labors, describes the results as surprising. "The Lord he says, "is at work in all parts of the town." "Christ the Lord is come to reign." Preachers and laymen passed from Bruff's house to the churches, "singing the praises of God along the streets. This greatly surprised the people, and hundreds came running out of their houses and followed us till we reached the house of God. There were wonderful exhibitions of power as we went through the streets, and we entered the house singing and shouting the praises of God."
The next day, after the adjournment, Asbury was preaching and pushing forward on his northern tour. Coke returned immediately to England, where he began to issue his Commentary in numbers, in 1801; he introduced Sunday-schools into Cornwall, advocated the Wesleyan missions, traveled largely in Ireland and other parts of the United Kingdom, and in the autumn of 1803 embarked for his final visit to the United States. Asbury welcomed him heartily, and planned a course of travel and preaching for him, amounting to nearly five thousand miles, about three thousand of which the tireless apostle completed by the next General Conference, which assembled in Light Street Church, Baltimore, May the 7th, 1804. Coke, "as senior bishop," presided. [10] John Wilson was elected Secretary. The records present, for the first time, a list of the members, who amounted to a hundred and twelve; five, however, were "excepted" as not entitled to vote, not having traveled four years. Many of the chief men of the ministry were there: among them Burke from the West; Pickering and Joshua Taylor from the East; Garrettson, Ostrander, Crawford, Hunt, and Sawyer from New York Conference; from that of Philadelphia, McClaskey, Sargent, Ware, Owen, Woolsey, Cooper, Colbert, Sharpe, Roberts, Chandler, and other similar characters; from that of Baltimore, Henry Willis, George, McCombs, Wells, Henry Smith, Quinn, Hitt, Snethen, Watters, Fleming; from that of Virginia, Lee, McCaine, Bruce; from that of South Carolina, Dougharty and Jenkins. William Black, of Nova Scotia, was also present as a guest, and was allowed to speak, but not to vote, on the questions discussed. The Philadelphia Conference was represented by thirty-seven, Baltimore by thirty, New England by but four, and the great Western field by three. Philadelphia and Baltimore had sixty-seven or the members, nearly two thirds of the whole Conference. It was obvious that a reorganization of the body, on the principle of delegation, had become necessary, but it was deferred to the next session. [11]
The Discipline was elaborately revised, section by section, Coke reading item after item, and the Conference debating with no little interest. [12] Some changes were made. The bishops were required to allow the Annual Conferences to sit a week at least; hitherto they could conclude them at their own discretion. They still retained the right to appoint the times, but not the places of the sessions. They were not allowed to appoint preachers for more than two successive years to the same appointment; hitherto there had been no restriction, and some had been three years in one appointment." [13] Asbury rejoiced in the new rule as a great relief to the appointing power. The title of "Quarterly Meeting Conference" was given to the quarterly assembly of the official members of the circuits. Provision was made for the election of a presiding elder, to preside in all Annual Conference, in case of the absence of a bishop. The law against the marriage of Church members with "unawakened persons"' was modified, the penalty being no longer expulsion, but that the offender shall "be put back on trial for six months." The "Book Concern" was ordered to be removed from Philadelphia to New York, and Ezekiel Cooper was re-appointed agent, with Daniel Wilson as assistant. It was recommended to the Annual Conferences to restrain preachers from imprudent publications, by requiring their manuscripts too be submitted to their respective Conferences, or to the Book Committee at New York.
At the organization of the Church, in 1784, it was the first religious body of the country to insert in its constitutional law (in its Articles of Religion) a recognition of the new government, enforcing patriotism on its communicants. A very noteworthy modification (peculiarly interesting in our day) was made in this article at the present session. In the original article it was affirmed that the "Congress," etc., "are the officers of the United States of America, according to the division of power made to them by the General Act of Confederation," etc., the national constitution having not yet been adopted; but the present Conference, by a motion of Ezekiel Cooper, (a man noted for his sagacity,) struck out all allusion to the "Act of Confederation," inserting in its stead "the Constitution of the United States," etc., and declared that "the said states are a sovereign and independent nation." Methodism thus deliberately, and in its constitutional law, recognized that the "Constitution" superseded the "Act of Confederation," and that the republic was no longer a confederacy but a nation, and, as such, supreme and sovereign over all its states. It was at a period of no little political agitation on the question of state sovereignty that this change was made: the Kentucky "Resolutions of 1798," and those of Virginia, 1799, had become the basis of a State Rights party. A contemporary Methodist preacher (Henry Boehm, still living) records that just previous to this time "there was great political excitement. Federalism and Democracy ran high. Such was the excitement that it separated families, and friends, and members of the Church. I was urged, on every side, to identify myself with one political party or the other, or to express an opinion. I felt sad to see what influence this state of feeling was producing in the Church." It was in such circumstances that the Methodist Episcopal Church took its stand for the National Constitution. After the adoption of that Constitution, Methodism never doubted the sovereign nationality of the republic, and never had the unstatesmanlike folly to recognize any State right of secession, or any sovereignty which is not subordinate to the National sovereignty. During the late civil war it appealed to its Article, as expressing the loyal duty of all its people, and they responded to the appeal with a patriotic devotion surpassed by no other religious communion of the country. [14]
Thomas Lyell [15] proposed the abolition of the presiding eldership, but was defeated "after a long debate." Bruce introduced a motion for the ordination of local elders, local preachers having hitherto been admitted only to deacon's orders; it had a tie vote of 44 to 44, and; on motion of Coke, was postponed, "as unfinished business," till the next General Conference. A motion to elect another bishop was lost. The request of the British Conference for the return of Coke was again conceded, on condition that he should at any time be recalled by the demand of three Annual Conferences, and, at furthest, should be back in time for the next General Conference.
The subject of slavery was discussed as usual. [16] McCaine introduced it by demanding that it be made the order of the day for a given time. At the appointed time Bruce brought it up by a petition from the Virginia Conference, when McCaine made the motion "that the Question (in the Discipline) concerning it should run thus: 'What shall be done for the extirpation of slavery?'" which was "carried." The Journal then records that "a variety of motions were proposed on the subject, and, after a long conversation, Freeborn Garrettson moved, that the subject of slavery be left to the three bishops, to form such a section to suit the Southern and Northern states, as they in their wisdom may think best, to be submitted to this Conference. Carried. Bishop Asbury having refused to act on the last vote, the question was left open. Ezekiel Cooper moved, that a committee be formed, one from each Conference, to take the different motions and report concerning slavery. Carried. George Dougharty, Philip Bruce, William Burke, Henry Willis, Ezekiel Cooper, Freeborn Garrettson, and Thomas Lyell were appointed." This committee reported a long statute in answer to the new question, "What shall be done for the extirpation of the evil of slavery?" retaining most of the act of 1796, but with modifying phrases; the adjective "African" is dropped and the word "slavery" alone retained. The clause providing for the expulsion of a member who should be guilty of selling a slave was qualified by the proviso, except at the request of the slave, in cases of mercy and humanity, agreeably to the judgment of a committee of the male members of the society, appointed by the preacher who has the charge of the circuit." It was also provided that "if a member of our society shall buy a slave with a certificate of future emancipation, the terms of emancipation shall, notwithstanding, be subject to the decision of the quarterly-meeting conference." Methodists in the states of North and South Carolina, Georgia, and Tennessee were exempt from the rules on the subject, on account of the stringent laws of these states. The directions, to the Annual Conferences, to prepare forms of petition to the state legislatures for emancipation were omitted, and it was ordered that "our preachers, from time to time, as occasion serves, admonish and exhort all slaves to render due respect and obedience to the commands and interests of their respective masters." The treatment of their petitions and addresses in the South, and Dougharty's sufferings at Charleston, had evidently somewhat discouraged the preachers; their tone is more subdued, though the law, in its new form, is still very thorough, imposing the penalty of expulsion from the Conference upon any preacher who should "become, by any means, an owner of slaves," unless he should "execute their legal emancipation, if practicable, according to the laws of the state where he lives;" expulsion from the Church, on any member who should sell a slave, and conditional emancipation on any who should purchase one, except at the request of the slave. There was no little significance in the motion of Bruce, made immediately after these proceedings on slavery, that an edition of the "spiritual part" of the Discipline be printed for the slaves, the laws on slavery not being in that newly made division of the book. The next day Dougharty moved that two thousand be thus provided "for the use of the South;" an explanation of the fact that copies of a mutilated edition of the Discipline are still occasionally found in old Methodist families in the South.
The Conference adjourned on the twenty-third of May, having sat seventeen days. It "closed," says Lee, "in peace, and the preachers parted in much love; but we had to lament before the Lord that there was very little stir of religion among us during the sitting. One principal reason of our barrenness, I believe, was owing to an improper plan which was adopted by the Conference in the beginning of their business, which was this: to admit men, women, and children into the galleries of the meeting-house to hear our debates. After a few days we were obliged to close the galleries, and sit in private, according to our usual plan. It was to the preachers a good Conference, but there was very little visible good done among the people in general."
Coke embarked for Europe, and was to see his American brethren no more; and Whatcoat, the junior bishop by election, but senior by age, was to meet with them no more in a General Conference.
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ENDNOTES
1 Smith's "History of Methodism," ii, 306.
2 Journals of the Gen. Conf. Of the M. E. Church, vol. i, p. 31.
3 Boehm's "Reminiscences," p. 35.
4 Memoir, p. 30.
5 Lee's History, p. 271.
6 Lee's Life of Lee, p. 380. His biographer, however, supposes he "felt severely" his treatment by some of the preachers, especially by Lyell, an influential member, who afterward became a Protestant Episcopal clergyman in New York. P. 378.
7 He died before the next General Conference. His brethren say of him: "A native of North Carolina, of a respectable family, and His circumstances in life sufficient, with care and improvement, to have forded him ample support. He was affectionate, fervent, and faithful, gracious, and gifted. He had a high sense of the rights of men. He labored and traveled extensively from Maryland, in various circuits in Virginia, North and South Carolina, and even to Georgia. He died happy in God, declaring with his latest breath, his soul enjoyed peace, peace, victory, victory, complete victory. He has left a legacy to the Conference, and another to build a house for God in the neighborhood of his nativity. So lived and so died William Ormond. He fell a martyr to his work during the yellow fever in Norfork in 1803." — Minutes of 1804.
8 Lee records nothing on the subject, and Bangs (though be mentions the MS. Journal of the Conference) seems to have merely followed Lee.
9 Journals of Gen. Conf., i, 37.
10 Quinn's "Life," p. 52. Quinn was present.
11 Quinn, p. 86.
12 Asbury complains of too much talk at this session.
13 Lee, p. 298.
14 Centenary of American Methodism, p. 203. New York, 1866.
15 The name is misspelled, as Syell, throughout the published Journals of this session.
16 Both Lee and Bangs, however, fail to mention the fact.
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