by,
Woodrow W. Whidden

In his thoughtful contribution to Johnston and Dayton’s The Variety of American Evangelicalism, Russell Staples suggests that, for Seventh-day Adventist theology, "the cluster of doctrines relating to the Fall, sin, and salvation constitute a thoroughgoing evangelical Arminianism."¹ Affirming the correctness of this identification, I would add that such soteriology should be characterized further as essentially Wesleyan/Holiness. The thesis of this article is that the Wesleyan/Arminian cast given to Adventist soteriology had its origin in the early experiences of Seventh-day Adventism’s most important formative figure, Ellen G. White (1827-19 15). What follows is a tracing of White’s early experiences of salvation as a means of identifying Wesleyan/Holiness influences and the ways in which such influences informed her thinking about soteriological issues.

Ellen White was born to parents who were devoted members of the Methodist Episcopal Church. This devotion to Methodism, however, did not prevent their involvement with another manifestation of American revivalism—Millerism Theirs was the world of pietistic revivalism, a potent blend of Methodism and Millerism that provided the setting for the emerging salvation experience of young Ellen Gould Harmon.²

A Severe Injury. Her experience of salvation (as she recollects it) began in earnest after the family had moved from Gorham to Portland, Maine when she was a child. At nine years of age (1836) she was struck in the face with a stone thrown at her by a classmate. This traumatic event, with its physical and emotional aftermaths, provided an impetus for a serious spiritual quest. Following the injury she "began to pray the Lord" to prepare her for "death." She strongly "desired to become a Christian" and prayed "earnestly for the forgiveness of. . . sins." The youthful invalid remembered a "peace of mind" and a desire that "all should have their sins forgiven and love Jesus" as she did.³

During this period of convalescence, it is interesting to note that White already had a lively sense of the second coming of Jesus which she believed would relieve her suffering.⁴

The Conversion Crisis. In the chapter "My Conversion" in Testimonies, Vol. I, the first thing White speaks of is William Miller’s March, 1840 visit to Portland, Maine for "his first course of lectures on the second coming."⁵ These lectures created a serious soteriological crisis for the twelve year old Ellen, a crisis that was not to be resolved until 1842—in the wake of Miller’s second series of lectures in Portland.

Not only did Miller present his arguments for the imminent, visible, and literal return of Christ from the prophecies of the apocalyptic Biblical books (especially Daniel and Revelation), but "sinners were invited forward to the anxious seat,"⁶ to which "hundreds responded." White recalls pressing through the crowd to take her place with other earnest "seekers." She, however, found it hard to obtain an assurance of acceptance since she felt she "could never become worthy to be called a child of God." She went on to relate the "great effect" which Miller’s lectures had on her: "I knew that I must be lost if Christ should come, and I be found as I then was." She found it hard to "give entirely up to the Lord."⁷

One evening, on the way home from a particularly stirring presentation on the second coming, she shared her deep concerns with her brother Robert: "I told him that I dared not rest nor sleep until I knew that God had pardoned my sins." Apparently the preaching of the second coming had the effect of causing her to lose the assurance of forgiveness which earlier she had found in the aftermath of her injury.⁸ She was so burdened that she told Robert she had "coveted death in the days when life seemed so heavy a burden" for her to bear, but now the thought that she might die in her "present sinful state" and be eternally lost filled her with "terror." Robert assured her that God would spare her if she came to God in faith. He told Ellen that they must never forget the words they had heard that night.⁹

When Ellen arrived home she spent most of the night in "prayer and tears." Her hope was "so small" and faith "so weak" that she feared to share her condition with anyone else lest their knowledge of her spiritual debility plunge her "into despair." She longed, however, for someone to explain "the steps" needed so that she could "meet" her Savior and give herself "entirely up to the Lord." She remained in this condition "for some months."¹⁰

During these months she apparently continued attending Methodist meetings, but her main spiritual focus was the Adventist gatherings which were being held at the Christian Church on Casco Street in Portland. In the summer of 1842, however, she attended a Methodist camp meeting at Buxton, Maine where she "was fully resolved to seek the Lord in earnest . . . and obtain, if possible," pardon for her sins.¹¹ At this camp meeting she heard a helpful discourse that caused her to see the futility of (1) sinners "waiting to make themselves more worthy of divine favor" and (2) the "vague idea that they must make some wonderful effort" to "gain the favor of God." She was convicted that this was all "self-dependence" and found comfort in the thought that it is "only by connecting with Jesus through faith that the sinner becomes a hopeful, believing child of God." She now began to see her "way more clearly, and the darkness began to pass away."¹²

She earnestly sought forgiveness, but a feeling that forgiveness should be accompanied by "spiritual ecstasy" as the "evidence" of her acceptance with God caused her to doubt her conversion in the "simplicity of it."¹³ While earnestly and persistently seeking the Lord for forgiveness at the altar, and sensing her "needy, helpless condition," suddenly her "burden left" and she felt a light-heartedness that seemed too good to be true. She sensed that Jesus was near and that He "had blessed" her and pardoned her sins.¹⁴

The aftermath of the Buxton camp meeting was for her an almost constant state of joy in the Lord. Soon after her return home she was baptized by immersion in Casco Bay and received into full membership of the Chestnut Street Methodist Episcopal Church in Portland, Maine.¹⁵ Her baptismal experience supplied the emotional ecstasy that seemed to be lacking at the Buxton camp meeting: "When I arose from the water, my strength was nearly gone, for the power of God rested upon me" and she felt that she "had risen from the watery grave into a newness of life."¹⁶ The whole of her conversion and baptismal experience clearly revealed a fervent search for assurance and ecstatic evidence so common to evangelical Methodism.

Shortly after White’s conversion and baptism, William Miller returned to Portland, Maine, in the summer of 1842 to present his second course of lectures. It was about this same time that she had developed a longing "to be sanctified to God." Her desire to be sanctified, however, was frustrated by two factors: (1) Sanctification was preached in such a manner that she could not "understand it" and she thought she could never "attain to it"; and (2) Miller’s second course of lectures created a sanctification crisis that caused her to feel that she was "not holy, not ready to see Jesus." The first frustration caused her not to attempt to gain sanctification, but to settle down with her "present enjoyment."¹⁷ Such a resigned attitude, however, did not last for long.

Sometime after her baptism and before Miller’s second Portland lectures, White "had fallen under discouragements and did not feel prepared to meet her Savior."¹⁸ What remnants of peace and joy that remained were shattered by Miller’s 1842 Portland lecture series. These lectures created a great deal more excitement than did his first series in 1840 and this excitement provoked considerable opposition from other ministers who felt called upon to "expose the alleged fanatical errors" of Miller. It was during this time that Ellen’s mind "constantly" dwelt "upon the subject of holiness of heart." She "longed above all things to obtain this great blessing" and feel that she was "entirely accepted of God." The inherently perfectionistic message of William Miller certainly intensified her great distress of mind.¹⁹

White’s first autobiographical account²⁰ speaks in some detail of her experience:

I then felt that I was not holy, not ready to see Jesus. . . . I was hungering for full salvation, and entire conformity to the will of God. Day and night I was struggling to obtain this priceless treasure, that all the riches of earth could not purchase.²¹

In a later recollection she speaks of a desire to avoid "a mere belief in the second coming," and of her longing "for a living experience in the things of God" that would be "soul-purifying" in its effects. Once again, she made mention of her "thirsting for full and free salvation," which she "knew not how to obtain."²²

It is abundantly apparent that White was wrestling with the second blessing experience commonly taught among Methodists,²³ but more in a context of a crisis precipitated by apocalyptic expectations rather than by Methodist/holiness revivalism. Methodism, however, was never far from the surface of her spiritual consciousness. In a later recollection,²⁴ she elaborates further on the way Methodist understandings of sanctification were influencing her. She wrote about hearing much regarding sanctification "among the Methodists" and the "loss of physical strength under the influence of strong mental excitement" as "evidence of sanctification." She was, however, at a loss to understand full consecration to God. Her friends urged her to exercise a simple belief in God’s acceptance of her "now" (emphasis of Ellen White). But she found it "impossible to believe" that she had received such a blessing since she expected it to "electrify" her "whole being." She came to the depressing conclusion that she was hard-hearted and so unique in experience that she would be "forever shut out from the perfect joy of holiness of heart."²⁵

Her confusions were not all experiential. She also felt confused about the theology of "justification and sanctification," failing to comprehend "the difference or understand the meaning of the terms." She was unable to "claim the blessing" and "wondered if it was to be found only among the Methodists," and if, in attending the Advent meetings she had shut herself away from that which she desired above all else, the "sanctifying Spirit of God." Her confusion was further compounded when she observed some believers who displayed a "bitter spirit" at the mention of the "subject of the soon coming of Christ," but who still "claimed to be sanctified"—all of which did not seem to her "a manifestation of the holiness which they professed."²⁶

The evidence suggests that Ellen White’s struggle was clearly precipitated by convictions about the soon return of Christ; but there was also a struggle going on between Adventism and Methodism, probably due to the opposition of her local Methodist congregation.²⁷ It is also evident that the second coming teaching had intensified her longings for the blessing of "the perfect joy of holiness of heart."

Her initial conclusion was that she could claim "only what they called justification," but this brought no relief when she juxtaposed the Scriptural statement that "without holiness no man will see God" and the conviction that Scripture warned of the soon return of Christ. She concluded that there was "some higher attainment that I must reach before I could be sure of eternal life." This conclusion brought her no comfort. Her views of the imminent advent caused her to fear that without this "higher attainment" she would be found "unprepared" to meet the Lord.²⁸

Even with all this theological and experiential confusion, the bottom had not yet been reached. More than theological clarity was now demanded. Duty, seemingly impossible duty, would thrust her into a final crisis that would bring her search for "the blessing" to a satisfying resolution. During this time of deep depression it was impressed upon her that she should "seek God in prayer" at a "small social meeting," an impression that she fearfully resisted. The resistance only increased her anxiety: "The duty was impressed upon my mind so forcibly that when I attempted to pray in secret I seemed to be mocking God because I failed to obey His will." The result was that every time she prayed, even in secret, "this unfulfilled duty presented itself’ and caused her to settle into a "melancholy state which increased to deep despair." This sad state lasted for three weeks.²⁹

During this time of despair she had two dreams, the first being a rather nightmarish affair which left her with a sense of impending disaster. It seemed to her that her "doom was fixed" and that she was totally bereft of the Spirit.³⁰ The "horror" of this nightmare was soon alleviated by another dream in which she, with the help of a guide (a visionary personage of "beautiful form and countenance"), was ushered into the presence of Jesus as One Who bade her "fear not." Passing out from the presence of Jesus, her guide handed her a "green cord coiled up closely" which he told her to place next to her heart. The cord "represented faith to my mind, and the beauty and simplicity of trusting in God began to dawn upon my soul."³¹

It was at this more hopeful juncture that White confided her struggle to her mother, who urged her to go for "counsel" with a certain "Elder Stockman [a Methodist minister] who then preached the Advent doctrine in Portland."³² Stockman assured Ellen "that the Spirit of the Lord was striving" with her, saying that "hardened" sinners would not be experiencing such conviction. He told her of a loving God who "instead of rejoicing in their [sinner’s] destruction. . . longed to draw them to Himself in simple faith and trust."³³

The Stockman interview was most helpful. White now claimed more knowledge on the subject of God’s love than she had received previously from all the sermons and exhortations she had ever heard. She went home and promised "to do and suffer anything" the Lord would require of her. The same duty to pray in the public assembly was again impressed upon her and that very evening opportunity presented itself at a prayer meeting. After a few others had prayed, she suddenly, almost unconsciously was able to lift up her voice in prayer. As she prayed, her "burden and agony of soul" left her and she sensed the "blessing of the Lord" descending on her "like the gentle dew." The results of this experience were heart-felt praise, happiness, assurance, and a new understanding of God as a benevolent Heavenly Father.³⁴

Peace and happiness were the hallmarks of her experience for the next six months. She reports that the "night after receiving so great a blessing" she attended the "advent meeting" and joyfully gave her testimony of what the Lord had done for her. Not long after "receiving this great blessing"³⁵ she attended a conference meeting at the Christian Church where she again shared her story, with telling effect on those present:

While relating my experience, I felt that no one could resist the evidence of God’s pardoning love that had wrought so wonderful a change in me. The reality of true conversion seemed so plain to me that I felt like helping my young friends into the light. . . . The plan of salvation was so clear to my mind. . .³⁶

From this time on it is quite evident that there were no more serious ups and downs in her experience of salvation. Even the trauma of expulsion from the Methodist Church did not provoke another soteriological crisis. This expulsion sheds additional light on the question of what to make of her experience of the "great blessing."

The chapter in White’s Testimonies (Vol. I) following the description of her reception of the "great blessing" tells of "Leaving the Methodist Church" (the chapter title) and employs some revealing terminology.

Describing their occasional attendance at the appointed meetings of the Methodist Church, she related how one evening she and Robert went to the class meeting. Robert "spoke with great humility. . . of the necessity for a complete fitness to meet our Savior." When she was called upon to speak she "arose, free in spirit, with a heart full of love and peace" and shared her story of "great suffering under the conviction of sin" and how she "had at length received the blessing so long sought, an entire conformity to the will of God." She continued on, expressing her longing for the "coming of Jesus" when sin "would have an end, and we could enjoy sanctification forever."³⁷ Note the close relationship between "complete fitness" and the anticipated literal Advent in Robert’s testimony and Ellen’s close association of "sanctification" with the "blessing" in her testimony.

Later, at another class meeting, Ellen again testified to her belief in the soon return of Jesus. Her belief in the nearness of Christ’s coming had stirred her soul "to seek more earnestly for the sanctification of the Spirit of God." This confession brought a strong remonstrance from her class leader: "You received sanctification through Methodism, through Methodism, sister, not through an erroneous theory." Ellen was quick to reply that is was not through Methodism that her "heart had received its new blessing, but by the stirring truths concerning the personal appearing of Jesus." It was through these stirring truths that she claimed to have found "peace, joy, and perfect love."³⁸

It should be noted that in this last testimony which she would bear in a Methodist class meeting, though she did not ascribe the experience of sanctification to Methodist influences, she was clearly using Wesleyan terminology ("perfect love") to express the essence of it. Soon after this confrontation she and her family were "expelled" from the Methodist Church for having "walked contrary to their rules," namely attending other meetings and neglecting to meet regularly with the class. It is of further interest to note that in the discussions with the Methodists over their expulsion, Ellen said that "We were not conscious of any wrong, unless it was a sin to be looking for, and loving the appearing of, our Savior."³⁹

What is the meaning of Ellen White’s experience of "sanctification"? Was it clearly the Methodist "second blessing" classically taught in the American Wesleyanism of the time? Or was it a reinforcement of her earlier conversion and the experience of forgiveness and acceptance? The evidence suggests that the answers to both questions are primarily affirmative. Note the following:

1. Ellen clearly had experienced a deep conviction of acceptance and ecstatic conversion in the course of the Buxton Methodist camp meeting in the Spring of 1842 and in the baptismal experience which followed soon after the camp meeting. Thus it was not forgiveness and conversion that she sought, but a resolution of her sanctification expectations.

2. Her confusion about whether she had really retained this acceptance, justification, or conversion was precipitated by (a) misunderstanding over both the theological and experiential morphology of "sanctification" (not her understanding of forgiveness) and (b) the crisis of the realization that imminently she would have to face the Judge of all the earth at His literal second coming. It seems most likely that her lapse in understanding justification was caused by a failure to see the right relationship between justification and sanctification in the anxious setting of her frantic search for "the blessing" of entire sanctification. She still felt, in the heat of the crisis, that she "could claim only what they called justification."⁴⁰

3. From the beginning of this crisis until its resolution in the summer of 1842, she employed all of the classic terminology one would expect a Holiness/Methodist to be using who was going through the "second blessing" experience. Carefully note the following expressions:

a. In the immediate aftermath of her conversion and baptism, she "longed to be sanctified;" she "constantly" dwelt "upon the subject of holiness of heart" and "longed above all things to obtain this great blessing" of being "entirely accepted of God;" sensing a lack of "holiness," she hungered and thirsted "for full and free salvation," an "entire conformity to the will of God," calling it "this priceless treasure." After experiencing "holiness," she testified (at a Methodist class meeting) that she was "full of love and peace" since she "received the blessing so long sought," referring to it as "entire conformity to the will of God," hoping to enjoy "sanctification forever."⁴¹

b. Part of her confusion over the experience of "sanctification" was due to the expectation that the experience would be emotional, involving loss of "physical strength" and "strong mental excitement" as "the evidence of sanctification"; her inability to experience this "exaltation of spirit" caused her to wonder if she was "forever shut out from the perfect joy of holiness of heart."

c. She wondered if the blessing was to be found "only among the Methodists" and was fearful that in attending the "advent meetings" she might be shutting" herself "away from that which I desired above all else, the sanctifying Spirit of God."⁴²

d. In her last Methodist class meeting, she again spoke of her belief in Christ’s imminent Advent which had stirred her soul "to seek more earnestly for the sanctification of the Spirit of God"; the class leader clearly understood her to be referring to sanctification, which the leader thought was the rather exclusive province of Methodism. Ellen’s response was that she had found "peace and perfect love" through Adventism, not Methodism.⁴³

e. In the course of the White family’s expulsion "trial" at the Methodist Church, Ellen testified of not being "conscious of any wrong," a classic Wesleyan evidence of full salvation.⁴⁴

Another evidence that should be mentioned was her testifying about her experience after receiving the "blessing;" such testimony was very typical of the Wesleyan morphology, and an absolute requirement in the Phoebe Palmer version of the "second blessing."⁴⁵ It also should be recalled that Elder Levi Stockman was a Methodist minister.⁴⁶ What he said to her in the encouraging interview she had with him was only sketchily reported; but it must be pointed out that this exchange provided the immediate backdrop to the resolution of her search for sanctification. Thus the Methodist mentoring just before her resolution of the sanctification quest is another piece of evidence suggesting an experience that was essentially understood in terms of a Wesleyan "second blessing."

With this seemingly overwhelming evidence that it was a classic American / Wesleyan second blessing experience, there are some hints that perhaps it wasn't totally in the classic Wesleyan mold. Soon after experiencing "so great a blessing," Ellen related her experience during a conference meeting at the Christian church. She spoke of "the evidence of God’s pardoning love that had wrought so wonderful a change in me" and testified to the "reality of true conversion" and "being accepted of God."⁴⁷ The evidence, however, suggests that none of these expressions lessens the force of an essentially "second blessing" morphology. John Wesley and the American Wesleyans never argued for a radical separation between justification and sanctification, and "the evidence of God’s pardoning love that had wrought so wonderful a change" was a classic expression of the accepted Wesleyan sequence—first the evidence of acceptance and then the witness to perfect love.

The association of "true conversion" and "being accepted of God" can easily be understood as the "second blessing" of "sanctification" reinforcing the reality of the conversion and justification experience that had taken place at Buxton’s Methodist camp meeting, but which had been called into serious question during the events that immediately followed.⁴⁸

Conclusion

Even though her later expositions of sanctification modified the classic Wesleyan morphology of sanctification, they never effaced the essentially Wesleyan orientation of her treatment of the importance of sanctification. She was critical of two Wesleyan emphases: (1) that the experience of sanctification was to be "instantaneous" (she denied this and gave strong stress to its linear nature—often referring to it as the "the work of a lifetime"); (2) that the sanctified person could be conscious of perfection (she pointedly emphasized that perfection is psychologically a constantly receding horizon).⁴⁹

The importance of these early conversion/sanctification crises cannot be stressed enough for their foundational contribution to Ellen White’s later theological development. As her long and productive ministry unfolded, persistent emphasis was given to the importance of sanctification and perfection. This emphasis is most obviously demonstrated by the sheer bulk of her writings devoted to these themes. Of the approximately one hundred thousand pages of her written material, the greater bulk of it has to do with spiritual themes, and a great deal of this deals directly with soteriology. Of this soteriological material, the amount which addresses (and stresses) sanctification and perfection roughly outnumbers entries concerned with justification by about three to one.⁵⁰

Thus, while she modified the details of the holiness experience, the essence of "holiness of heart and life" was the dominant theme of the bulk of Ellen White’s later soteriological writings. Furthermore, through these writings, she stamped an unmistakable Wesleyan/Holiness imprint on Adventist soteriological teaching and proclamation.

What of Neall's suggestion? First of all, note that Mahan, Finney, Palmer, and the vast majority of holiness advocates in the nineteenth century (following the Wesleys) insisted on obedience to God’s commandments. Furthermore, Charles Edwin Jones, noted holiness historian and bibliographer feels that there was very little evidence of antinomian fanaticism in the holiness movement (observation made in personal conversations with Dr. Jones). In spite of such evidence that seems contrary to Neall’s contention, it is clear that Ellen White did strongly suspect the Holiness Movement of antinomianism. But it could well be that Ellen White’s almost totally negative reaction to the Holiness movement was due to its refusal to accept the Sabbath and other distinctives of Adventism—a self-evident manifestation of antinomianism in her view of things.

¹Donald Dayton and Robert Johnston, eds., The Variety of American Evangelicalism (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1991), 63.

²Ellen White, Testimonies for the Church, Vol. I (Mountain View, CA: Pacific Press, 1948), 9. Our analysis of these early experiences is based primarily on her autobiographical accounts, drawn mainly from Early Writings of Ellen G. White (Washington, D.C.: Review and Herald, 1882, 1945), 11-13, Testimonies for the Church, Vol. I, and Spiritual Gifts, vol. 2 (published in 1860 [facsimile reproduction by Review and Herald. 1945]). Ellen Harmon married Millerite preacher James Springer White (1821-81) on August 30, 1846. She has since been known by her married name, White.

³Testimonies, Vol. 1, 1 1; see Spiritual Gifts, Vol. II, 9.

⁴Testimonies, Vol. I, 11; see Spiritual Gifts, Vol. II, 10.

⁵Testimonies, Vol. I, 14. Arthur White has suggested that this visit was incorrectly dated by Ellen White as 1839 in Spiritual Gifts, Vol. 11. 12 (Ellen G. White: The Early Years [Washington, D.C.: Review and Herald, 1985], 34).

⁶This reference to Miller’s use of the "anxious seat" is a clue to his consonance with contemporary evangelical culture, despite Millerism’s reputation for fanaticism and heterodoxy. Recent studies have rather unanimously demonstrated that "Miller’s message was so orthodox that the movement achieved a comprehensiveness that sociologists of religion usually ascribe to formal churches. It appealed to people from all walks of secular life and from all the evangelical sects that comprised the bulk of church members in that day" (see Ronald Numbers and Jonathan Butler’s [eds.] The Disappointed: Millerism and Millenarianism in the Nineteenth Century [Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1987], 2; compare these comments by David Rowe with the more elaborated comments of Ruth Alden Doan, 119-38)).

⁷Testimonies 1:14, 15; and Spiritual Gifts, 11:12.

⁸Testimonies 1:15, 11.

⁹Ibid.,15.

¹⁰Ibid.,16.

¹¹Ibid.,16. The chronology found in the Testimonies, Vol. I and Spiritual Gifts, Vol. II narratives of these events makes it appear that the Buxton camp meeting experience was the summer of 1840 or 1841, but A. L. White suggests that this was actually the late spring on early summer of 1842, since her baptism occurred soon after her return from camp meeting on June 26, 1842 (The Early Years, 36).

¹²Testimonies 1:16, 17.

¹³Ibid.,17.

¹⁴Ibid.,17, 18; see Spiritual Gifts II:12.

¹⁵She had been taken into membership "on probation" right after her return from the Buxton camp meeting, but baptism signaled "full acceptance" into membership (The Early Years, 37).

¹⁶Testimonies 1:20.

¹⁷Early Writings, 11; Spiritual Gifts 11:14.

¹⁸Testimonies 1:21.

¹⁹Ibid., 21, 22. Adventist studies have noted the inherently perfectionistic appeal of Miller’s proclamation; see Butler, Doan, and Graybill in Ronald Numbers and Jonathan Butler’s The Disappointed, 191, 192, 132, 147, and 150.

²⁰This is found in Early Writings, which was originally published in 1851.

²¹Ibid., 11.

²²Her later recollection is found in Spiritual Gifts, Vol. II, originally published in 1 60. See pp. 14, 15.

²³It should be pointed out that Methodism in nineteenth-century America was not unanimous in its understanding of the "second blessing." There was much opposition, both North and South, to the revival of the perfection and holiness emphasis: see John Peters, Christian Perfection and American Methodism (Nashville: Abingdon, 1956), especially 100-80; and Thomas Langford, Practical Divinity (Nashville: Abingdon, 1983), especially 92-9 and 131-46. When Ellen White spoke of Methodist sanctification, however, she seemed always to have the "holiness" emphasis in mind.

²⁴Found in Testimonies, Vol. I, originally published in 1885.

²⁵Testimonies, 1:22, 23.

²⁶Ibid., 23.

²⁷This opposition soon became manifest in the expulsion of the White family from the Methodist Church because of their Millerite convictions. More on this below.

²⁸Testimonies, 1:23.

²⁹Ibid. 26; Spiritual Gifts, 11:15, 16; see Early Writings, 11, 12.

³⁰Testimonies, 1:27, 28; see Spiritual Gifts, II: 16-8 and Early Writings, 12 and 78-81 for supplemental accounts to what is here taken from Testimonies, Vol. I and Spiritual Gifts, Vol. II.

³¹Spiritual Gifts, II:18, 19; her guide asked Ellen to abandon all things before entering the presence of Jesus. She then testified that she "cheerfully. . . laid down all" she possessed. Compare Testimonies, I: 28.

This terminology evidences some influences from Phoebe Palmer’s holiness, altar theology, which was making its presence felt in Northern New England at this time (see Charles White, The Beauty of Holiness: Phoebe Palmer as Theologian, Revivalist, Feminist, and Humanitarian [Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House (Francis Asbury Press), 1986], xx, 33-5). Testimonies, 1:28, 29; see Spiritual Gifts, 11:18-20.

³²Testimonies, 1:29; compare Spiritual Gifts, 11:20, 21 and Early Writings, 12. Levi Stockman was a Methodist minister in the Maine Conference, "expelled in 1843 by the conference for preaching Millerite views as ‘contrary to Methodism’" (Don Nuefeld, ed., Seventh-day Adventist Encyclopedia [Washington, D.C.: Review and Herald, 1966], 1263).

³³Testimonies, 1:30.

³⁴Ibid., 31.

³⁵Ibid., 32 and 33.

³⁶Ibid., 33, 34; compare Spiritual Gifts, 11:21.

³⁷Testimonies, 1:35, 36. This testimony was given in the face of opposition from her Methodist brothers and sisters, who were very much into an understanding of the millennium which envisioned an earthly, temporal rule of Christ (which opposition soon became explicit).

³⁸Testimonies, 1:37; compare Spiritual Gifts, 11:22 and 23.

³⁹Testimonies, 1:43, 42 and Spiritual Gifts, II:23-5.

⁴⁰Testimonies, 1:23.

⁴¹Spiritual Gifts, 11:14; Testimonies, 1:22; see Spiritual Gifts, 11:15; Early Writings, 11. Note that this testimony was in her first autobiographical publication, written about six years after her "sanctification" experience. In this earliest remembrance, the classic Wesleyan terminology is explicit. Testimonies, 1:35, 36.

⁴²Testimonies, 1:22, 23.

⁴³Ibid., 37; compare Spiritual Gifts, II:22, 23.

⁴⁴Ibid., 23.

⁴⁵Testimonies, I:32; see Charles White, The Beauty of Holiness, 139, 140.

⁴⁶Seventh-day Adventist Encyclopedia, 1263.

⁴⁷Testimonies, 1:33.

⁴⁸These conclusions are somewhat contrary to the interpretation of Rolf Poehler ("Sinless Saints or Sinless Sinners? An Analysis and Critical Comparison of the Doctrine of Christian Perfection as taught by John Wesley and Ellen G. White" [Research Paper, Andrews University: April 1978. Typescript. James White Library, Heritage Room]). Poehler has, to date, made the most thorough analysis of Ellen White’s conversion and early "sanctification" experience. For a detailed response to Poehler, see my " The Soteriology of Ellen G. White: The Persistent Path to Perfection, 1836-1902" (Ph.D Diss., The Graduate School, Drew University, 1989).

⁴⁹See George Knight’s The Pharisee’s Guide to Perfect Holiness (Boise, ID: Pacific Press, 1992), 166. Ralph Neall has suggested that one reason for Ellen White’s often severe criticisms of Holiness sanctification was that she perceived it as tending to antinomian extremes (Ralph Neall, "The Nearness and the Delay of the Parousia in the Writings of Ellen G. White" [Ph.D Diss., Andrews University, 1982], 49, 50).

⁵⁰For a detailed treatment of her soteriological development, see my "The Soteriology of Ellen G. White."

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