AMERICAN HOLINESS HYMNODY SOME QUESTIONS:
A METHODOLOGY

by
Mel R. Wilhoit

"How I long for the good old Methodist thunder. One good burst of old-fashioned music would have blown this modern singing out the window like wadding from a gun."1 That such a request could have been made by Congregationalist minister Henry Ward Beecher in 1857 reveals the degree to which Methodists were known as a singing people. Yet there were many within Methodism who felt that their song was growing weaker. Thus there arose a body of men and women, committed unto "Holiness to the Lord," who added new stanzas and new voices to the old song, swelling the chorus in a mighty crescendo whose echo can still be heard today.

Holiness hymnody, as part of the larger Holiness movement, has played a significant role in the life of American evangelicalism. Yet its role in that drama has generally gone unrecognized. As a framework for beginning to discover and properly evaluate its contributions, this study seeks to raise certain fundamental questions which it is hoped will give direction to future studies. It also seeks to suggest possible avenues of investigation pursuant to the questions raised.

Hymnody has often been called "grassroots theology" for its ability to express the deepest religious beliefs and feelings of a people. The language of such belief is usually stated in popular poetic expressions rather than precise theological terminology, and the music which accompanies such expressions in that which has immediate potential to convey significant meaning to its hearers within their cultural context. When any hymn is widely sung, it should be viewed as an important window into the belief system of those singing it. And precisely because it is a popular, corporate, and usually unconscious statement of belief or practice, it provides a unique opportunity for the understanding of a large cross-section of "ordinary believers," which differs immeasurably from the carefully crafted and highly conscious individual statements of church leaders and theologians.

These observations hold no less true for those who would study the Holiness movement. It should come as no surprise to the student of sanctification that, for a people who sought to be characterized by a holiness in thought, word, and deed as directed by the indwelling Holy Spirit, Paul's exhortation to the Ephesians could only be fulfilled by an outburst of song:

And be not drunk with wine wherein is excess; but be filled with the Spirit; speaking to yourselves in psalms and hymns and spiritual songs, singing and making melody in your heart to the Lord. ... (5:18, 19)

The result of both this Scriptural exhortation to reflect a Spirit-filled holy life and the natural inclination of Christians to sing their beliefs produced a rich hymnody which not only expresses but also helps to define the Holiness movement.

But where to begin? If the study of the Holiness movement in general is fraught with certain perils, the study of Holiness hymnody, by extension, experiences a compounding of such problems. Most significant perhaps is the amorphous nature of the Holiness movement and the ensuing lack of clearly defined parameters for studying it.2 Although American Holiness hymnody is rooted in the lush garden of Wesleyan hymnody, which has been studied in both depth and breadth, certain offshoots from the garden seem to have grown wild and unattended. As one begins to investigate the subject with any degree of seriousness, one is struck by the fact that there is little or no writing about Holiness hymnody per se. As a field of study, it can hardly been said to exist in anything but a nascent state.3

Thus, far from beginning to answer the significant questions relevant to the field, one is confronted with asking the right questions in an initial attempt to define the discipline. For without such critical and defining questions, the field has little point of entrance, shape. or direction. Therefore, the purposes of this study which are relevant to the Holiness movement in general and Holiness hymnody in particular are (1) the raising of key questions which give definition to the field of study, and (2) the positing of various avenues of investigation which, at present, seem to hold great potential.

The primary and fundamental question is undoubtedly, "What constitutes a Holiness hymn?" Although this may Initially appear to be an unnecessary query, any attempt to investigate the genre will be confronted with this most fundamental of concerns. While it is true that the term hymn is technically limited to textual considerations, those who regularly sing hymns are clearly not possessed of such definitional limitations; their expressions of faith are as much musical as textual. Therefore, it is incumbent upon the investigator of this "grassroots theology" to consider both the textual and musical implications of hymnody in its broadest context.

Perhaps the most obvious point of entrance into such a study is that of hymn text. As one begins to address a body of hymns that may exhibit Holiness characteristics, one is impressed by the regular appearance of certain terms or phrases which, when employed both singly and in combination, seem clearly to articulate various Holiness conceptions. Although many of the individual terms are common to eighteenth-century Wesleyan hymnody, they also find a powerful and often new voice in the American Holiness hymnody of the mid-nineteenth through the early twentieth centuries.4 Conspicuous verbs include "cleanse, consume. fill, perfect, restore, sanctify, wash." Adjectives and adverbs encompass "all, every, full, inbred, no more, perfect, spotless." Nouns often focus upon "blood, fire, fountain, glory, love, peace, power, rest, sin, salvation, victory, waves." It is of critical import to understand, as Sangster has well observed, that these terms are "not merely used but pressed into emphatic place."5

Perhaps typical is the classic Holiness hymn "I Hear Thy Welcome Voice" by Lewis Hartsough.

I hear Thy welcome voice
That calls me, Lord, to Thee
For cleansing in Thy precious blood
That flowed on Calvary.

Chorus:

I am coming Lord! Coming now to Thee!
Wash me, cleanse me, in the blood That flowed on Calvary.
'Tis Jesus calls me on To perfect faith and love,
To perfect hope and peace, and trust, For earth and heaven above.

Chorus

'Tis Jesus who confirms The blessed work within,
By adding grace to welcomed grace, Where reigned the power of sin.

Chorus

And He the witness gives To loyal hearts and free,
That every promise is fulfilled, If faith but brings the plea.

Chorus

All hail, atoning blood! All hail, redeeming grace!
All hail, the Gift of Christ, our Lord, Our Strength and Righteousness!

Chorus

Even more explicit is Louise Rouse's "Glory, Glory, Jesus Saves Me."
Precious Savior, thou hast sav'd me;
Thine and only thine I am;
O, the cleansing blood has reached me,
Glory, glory to the Lamb.
Long my yearning heart was trying
To enjoy this perfect rest;
But I gave all trying over:
Simply trusting, I was blest.
Trusting, trusting ev'ry moment;
Feeling now the blood applied;
Lying at the cleansing fountain;
Dwelling in my Savior's side.
Consecrated to thy service;
I will live and die to thee:
I will witness to thy glory
Of salvation full and free.

More specifically, the function of certain poetic devices provides a rich field for investigation. In hymnody, the use of metaphor is of particular importance. One of the most popular nineteenth-century examples is the term altar. With the spread of Phoebe Palmer's "altar phraseology" into the realm of common religious jargon during the 1850's and 60's, Holiness hymnody eventually experienced a rich addition to Wesleyan hymnic terminology.6

The second stanza of Delia T. White's "'Tis Burning in My Soul" exclaims:

Before the cross I bow, Upon the altar lay
A willing off'ring now, My all from day to day.
My Savior paid the price, My name he sweetly calls;
Upon the sacrifice The fire from heaven falls.
Mary D. James' "Consecration" confesses:
My body, soul, and spirit, Jesus I give to thee,
A consecrated off'ring, Thine evermore to be.

Refrain:

My all is on the altar, I'm waiting for the fire.
John Sammis exhorts believers in his "Trust and Obey":
But we never can prove the delights of his love Until all on the altar we lay;

And Elisha Hoffman, in perhaps the best known of the "altar phraseology" songs, reminds his hearers that

...you cannot have rest or be perfectly blest Until all on the altar is laid.

Refrain:

Is your all on the altar of sacrifice laid?
Your heart, does the Spirit control?
You can only be blest and have peace and sweet rest,
As you yield him your body and soul.

Another popular metaphor during the period was that of Beulah Land. Although the term's origin comes from Isaiah 62:4 as a figurative expression of restored Palestine during the millennial kingdom, its currency in Holiness circles was more directly related to its inclusion in Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress as the symbol of a land of promised rest and blessing. The best known of the resulting "Beulah" songs was Edgar Page Stites' "Beulah Land."

O Beulah land, sweet Beulah land,
As on thy highest mount I stand,
I look away across the sea,
Where mansions are prepared for me,
And view the shining glory shore,
My heav'n, my home, for evermore.

Other less familiar candidates include "Is Not This the Land of Beulah?" (Harriet Requa), "The Land of Beulah" (Rev. J. Haskel), and "The Sweet Beulah Land" (Henry J. Zelley). C. Austin Miles' early twentieth-century contribution "Dwelling in Beulah Land" undoubtedly reflects the pinnacle of this metaphor's concept of victorious Christian living (or spiritual smugness and Pollyannaish isolationism, depending on one's viewpoint).7 As widely sung, it boasted:

Far away the noise of strife upon my ear is falling,
Then I know the sins of earth beset on ev'ry hand:
Doubt and fear and things of earth in vain to me are calling,
None of these shall move me from Beulah Land.

Refrain:

I'm living on the mountain, underneath a cloudless sky,
I'm drinking at the fountain that never shall run dry;
O yes! I'm feasting on the manna from a bountiful supply,
For I am dwelling in Beulah Land.

In addition to investigation of various poetic devices which reflect the development of Holiness hymnody, a seminal change in the American Holiness movement can be perceived in the use of verb tense. A survey of Charles Wesley's eighteenth-century hymns on holiness clearly reveals the vast majority to be in the future tense. The following are representative:

Behold the servant of the Lord!
I wait thy guiding hand to feel;

or

Come, Holy Ghost, all-quickening fire .
Thy mighty working may I feel,
or, from "The thing my God doth hate":
My soul shall then, like thine,
Abhor the thing unclean,
or, from all those exclamatory hymns that begin:
O that my load of sin were gone!

O come and dwell in me,
O Jesus, at thy feet we wait
O for a heart to praise my God,
O joyful sound of gospel grace!

Christ shall in me appear;
O Jesus, full of truth and grace .

I wait to see thy glorious face,
or, in those very personal prayers:
I want a principle within,
I want a heart to pray,
I ask the gift of righteousness,

as well as Wesley's most enduring Holiness hymn, "Love Divine," which pleads:

Let us all in Thee inherit,
Let us find the second rest;
Far away the noise of strife upon my ear is falling,
Then I know the sins of earth beset on ev'ry hand:
Doubt and fear and things of earth in vain to me are calling,
None of these shall move me from Beulah Land.

Refrain:

I'm living on the mountain, underneath a cloudless sky,
I'm drinking at the fountain that never shall run dry;
O yes! I'm feasting on the manna from a bountiful supply,
For I am dwelling in Beulah Land.

In addition to investigation of various poetic devices which reflect the development of Holiness hymnody, a seminal change in the American Holiness movement can be perceived in the use of verb tense. A survey of Charles Wesley's eighteenth-century hymns on holiness clearly reveals the vast majority to be in the future tense. The following are representative:

Behold the servant of the Lord!
I wait thy guiding hand to feel;

or

Come, Holy Ghost, all-quickening fire.
Thy mighty working may I feel,
or, from "The thing my God doth hate":
My soul shall then, like thine,
Abhor the thing unclean,
or, from all those exclamatory hymns that begin:

O that my load of sin were gone!
O come and dwell in me,
O Jesus, at thy feet we wait
O for a heart to praise my God,
O joyful sound of gospel grace!

Christ shall in me appear;
O Jesus, full of truth and grace .
I wait to see thy glorious face,
or, in those very personal prayers:
I want a principle within,
I want a heart to pray,
I ask the gift of righteousness,

as well as Wesley's most enduring Holiness hymn, "Love Divine," which pleads:

Let us all in Thee inherit,
Let us find the second rest;

Although these are a sampling of Charles' (and by virtue of his editing, also John's) hymns, they provide a valid insight into the mind of eighteenth-century followers after holiness. And that state of mind was a future-looking expectation and hope of the Spirit's promised work. By contrast, nineteenth-century believers held a differing view concerning the "when" of sanctification.8

Edgar P. Stites rejoiced "I've reached the land of corn and wine"; Mrs. C. H. Morris claimed "I still have the blessing," while Delia White glowed, "'Tis burning in my soul... The fire of heav'nly love is burning in my soul." Or this itemization from "The Sacred Fire":

stanza 1: Now I feel the sacred fire,

stanza 2: Now I am. .

stanza 3:... now I know....

chorus: I was dead but now I live.

It would of course be a gross exaggeration to suggest that all nineteenth-century Holiness hymns reflected a present-tense experience; for many, if not the majority of the hymns, still employed a future-tense terminology Witness, for example, Mary James' "Consecration," written at the National Camp Meeting at Round Lake on July 10, 1869. The chorus proclaims:

My all is on the Altar,
I'm waiting for the fire.
Waiting, waiting, waiting,
I'm waiting for the fire.

Although this terminology is still in the future tense, it and many others like it clearly conceive of the longed-for blessing in terms of immediate possibility of fulfillment. This is even evident in James' hymn just cited as the second stanza confidently proclaims,"...I look for Thy salvation, Thy promise now I claim." Abbie Mills' present insistence is no less direct:

I am coming, Jesus coming,
At thy feet I humbly bow:
I have tasted thy salvation
But I want the fullness now.

One can find no clearer proof of this shift in mood towards present tense fulfillment than in the hymn "There is a fountain." For where the second stanza reads "And there may I 'though vile as he...," the sanctified at National Camp Meetings were wont to sing "And there do I 'though vile as he..." Obviously sanctification was no distant hope for those nineteenth-century "cando" sons of "manifest destiny," but rather a fait accompli. And it showed in the very verb tense of their hymns.9

Much, if not most, of the impact on the altered nineteenth-century view towards sanctification and holiness can be laid squarely at the feet of Phoebe Palmer whose hymn, "The Cleansing Wave," exemplifies her "shorter way" of accomplishing Wesley's longed-for second blessing.10

O now I see the crimson wave,
The fountain deep and wide. ...

Chorus:

The cleansing stream, I see. I see!
I plunge and Oh, it cleanseth me!
It cleanseth me, it cleanseth me!
O praise the Lord! it cleanseth me!

Although a study of Holiness terminology may prove of primary importance in helping to answer, "What is a Holiness hymn?" an investigation into a hymn's usage or context is also critical here. For it quickly becomes evident that not all hymns employed by or closely associated with the Holiness movement contain explicitly Holiness terminology or teaching. Many hymns seem to be candidates for Holiness hymnody, not because of their content, but because of their context. In fact, there seem to be at least three categories of usage related to Holiness hymn texts. These might be called adoptive, generic, and didactic.

Undoubtedly the quintessential example of hymnic adoption is William Cowper's widely sung eighteenth-century contribution to evangelical Anglican life, "There is a fountain filled with blood." The best account of its adoption is contained in George Hughes' Days of Power in the Forest Temple. In referring to what became the "Battle-Hymn" for many of a Holiness persuasion, Hughes recounts:

Cowper did not dream of what he was doing for posterity when he wrote that hymn... nor did Rev. Hiram Mattison when he published the tune which has been brought into such extensive use. Both have now been appropriated by the National Association [for the Promotion of Holiness, and are interwoven with the very life of this modern movement.

None, except those who have stood on a National Campground, can have any conception of the effect produced at each opening service, when the president ascends the stand and commences to sing, "There is a fountain filled with blood," and it is rolled through the forest like a battle-hymn indeed. No tuning fork or organ is necessary to help the musical flow. The people strike the right key at once, keep excellent time, and onward it moves with wondrous life and energy.

Hughes continues in almost rapturous language to describe the significance and effect of each separate stanza and then concludes, "Glorious battle-hymn, sung at Vineland and Mannheim, and on other memorable grounds, and to be sung on many more, we doubt not, marshalling the elect of God for bolder exploits!"11

Hughes' fascinating account is obviously more than simply a historical document recording the singing of a particular hymn, for it clearly reveals the process whereby a hymn not intended for holiness purposes could be so thoroughly adopted by the movement. The key to understanding at least part of this process of adoption lies in the essence of the terminology involved. In the main, the Holiness movement tended to imbue numerous terms such as cross, blood, and purity, terms which were common to both Biblical language and nineteenth-century evangelical religious life, with special meanings reflecting the teachings of sanctification. Because so many hymns employed this standard religious vocabulary which could be freely borrowed by followers after holiness, a large body of hymnody was thus available for appropriation under the right conditions. On this basis, many non-holiness hymns came to inhabit Holiness hymnody.

Additional examples of this process include Isaac Watts' "When I Survey the Wondrous Cross"often with the addition of a loosely related chorus such as, "Then I'm clinging, clinging, clinging, Oh! I'm clinging to the cross. . . ." Undoubtedly the connection was the hymn's emphasis on the blood, a proverbial subject in Holiness hymnody, and the call for a complete surrender: "demands my life, my soul, my all."

Edward Perronet's popular "All Hail the Power of Jesus' Name" was also found to be most expressive of Holiness sentiment. Hughes reported that a group from the camp meeting at Oakington [near Baltimore, 1870] visited the Capitol building in Washington and sang the mighty hymn under its vaulted dome.

The Coronation stanzas, inviting all nations to bow at his feet, and place their many crowns upon his adorable head, were sung lustily. The hearts of the company were all "aflame with the love of Jesus' name." The fellowship of kindred minds was sweet. The living power was present.12

Here the emphasis upon the person and work of Christ seemed to make this hymn particularly desirable as a candidate for adoption.

Augustus Toplady's hymn "Rock of Ages" is perhaps the most unusual adoptee.

In the March, 1776, issue [The Gospel Magazine], this hymn appeared in... an article by Toplady dealing with the absolute impossibility of one's paying his indebtedness to God. He discussed the number of sins possible for a man to commit by the day, the hour, the minute, and the second, and calculated that in eighty years a man would commit 2,522,880,000 sins. The hymn was entitled 'A living and dying prayer for the holiest believer in the world." The allusion to the "holiest believer" is thought by George John Stevenson to refer to John Wesley and "can only be designed by Mr. Toplady as a sneer at the doctrine of entire holiness, which both the Wesleys so strongly enforced in their preaching and hymns."13

The focus of Toplady's rebuttal to Wesley's emphasis on the need for a second work of grace is found in the hymn's lines "Be of sin the double cure; save from wrath [meaning salvation] and make me pure" [from sin's daily power and presence in the life]. Ironically, instead of reading (or singing) this as a statement of the efficacy of a single, Initial salvation experience, the song is sung in Holiness circles as implying a second work in the words "double cure" and the hymn's apparent emphasis upon the two categories or experiences of salvation ("save from wrath") and sanctification ("and make me pure"). Indeed, no less an exponent of Holiness teaching than H. C. Morrison could quote this adopted hymn in the funeral epitaph he penned for himself in 1942.14

A second and much larger category of hymnic usage might be termed generic terminology and is an outgrowth of the adoptive category. Here one finds a more obvious, but not necessarily conscious, use of those key or qualifying terms meaningful to believers in sanctification.

Undoubtedly the majority of hymns one might include here were not written from a Holiness perspective but employ that general or generic Biblical and religious language which allowed Holiness believers to eisegete (read in) their unique convictions, while non-holiness singers simply perceived meaning in the broader language in which it was penned.

Many of Fanny Crosby's hymns contain terms easily pressed into the service of Holiness hymnody: "Jesus Keep Me Near the Cross" with its healing stream and precious fountain; "Blessed Assurance" containing two "perfect submissions" and one "perfect rest" (sung to a tune composed by Phoebe Palmer's daughter); "To God be the Glory" with "perfect redemption" and "purchase of blood"; "Take the World but Give Me Jesus" exclaiming "O the fullness of redemption"; "Perfect Peace" quotes Isaiah 26:3 and begins each stanza with the popular adjective "precious" in addition to an emphasis on "perfect peace"; and "Redeemed, how I love to proclaim it" with its usually omitted fifth stanza which contains "and soon with the spirits made perfect."

Gospel songwriter Philip P. Bliss penned "More Holiness Give Me," "Wonderful Words of Life" with its "sanctify forever," and "Hallelujah! 'Tis Done" with its "perfect salvation."15 His co-laborer in revivalism was evangelist and hymn-writer Daniel W Whittle who produced numerous hymns containing appropriate language: "Believe and Keep On Believing," "Christ is My Redeemer," "Christ Liveth in Me," and "Pardon, Peace, and Power."

E. H. Bickersteth's "Peace! Perfect Peace" has been included in numerous Holiness collections, while Robert Lowry's "Nothing but the Blood of Jesus" is also popular. Other examples include Elizabeth Codner's "Lord, I hear showers of blessing" ("Even Me"); Elvina Hall's "I hear the Savior say" ("Jesus Paid It All"); James Nicholson's "Lord Jesus, I long to be perfectly whole" ("Whiter than Snow"); and Johnson Oatman, Jr.'s "Higher Ground."16

Of course the presence of generic terminology in the language could cut both ways. Thus, Christians with no knowledge of or sympathy with Holiness beliefs have long sung hymns written from that perspective but in a language so general as to be unnoticed by the uninitiated. Elisha Hoffman has been one of the most successful here with "Abundantly Able to Save," "Are You Washed in the Blood of the Lamb?" "Glory to His Name," "Is Your All on the Altar?" and "What a Wonderful Savior." "Standing on the Promises" by R. Kelso Carter has long been a favorite but is usually published in a form without the stanza which contains "perfect, present cleansing in the blood for me." Edgar P. Stites' "Beulah Land" has lost much of its popularity, but Louise Stead's "Tis So Sweet (to trust in Jesus") remains popular. Perhaps the most famous hymn with conscious Holiness sentiments (usually not sung as such) is "The Old Rugged Cross" by George Bennard.

The final category of hymn texts related to usage or context might be called didactic. In such hymns there is clear instruction relating to sanctification. Obviously, such hymns are the products of individuals who were strong promoters of Holiness tenants.

Rather surprisingly, Phoebe Palmer seems to have contributed only one significant hymn, the classic "The Cleansing Wave":

O, now I see the crimson wave, The fountain deep and wide,
Jesus, my Lord, mighty to save, Points to His wounded side.

Chorus:

The cleansing stream, I see, I see! I plunge, and Oh, it cleanseth me!
Oh, praise the Lord, it cleanseth me! It cleanseth me, yes cleanseth me.
I see the new creation rise, I hear the speaking blood;
It speaks! polluted nature dies! Sinks 'neath the cleansing flood.

Chorus

I rise to walk in heaven's own light, Above the world and sin,
With heart made pure, and garments white, And Christ enthroned within.

Chorus

Amazing grace! 'tis heaven below, To feel the blood applied;
And Jesus, only Jesus know, My Jesus crucified.

Chorus

William McDonald, Methodist Episcopal minister and editor of the religious magazine Advocate of Christian Holiness penned:

I am coming to the cross; I'm poor and weak and blind;
I'm coming all but dross; I shall full salvation find.

Chorus:

I am trusting Lord in Thee, Dear Lamb of Calvary;
Humbly at Thy cross I bow; Save me, Jesus, save me now.
Long my heart has sigh'd for thee; Long has devil dwelt within;
Jesus sweetly speaks to me, I will cleanse you from all sin.

Chorus

Here, I give my all to thee, Friends, and time, and earthly store,
Soul and body thine to be, Wholly thine, forevermore.

Chorus

In thy promises I trust; In the cleansing blood confide;
I am prostrate in the dust; I with Christ am crucified.

Chorus

Jesus comes! he fills my soul! Perfected in love I am;
I am every whit made whole; Glory, glory, to the Lamb!

Chorus for stanza 5

Still I'm trusting, Lord, in Thee, Dear Lamb of Calvary;
Humbly at Thy cross I bow, Jesus saves me! saves me now.

In McDonald's "I'm Redeemed" the hymn-writer prays "Speak, and let my heart be clean. . . Fully sav'd from inbred sin. . .," and "Let me all Thy fullness know," "Fix on me the Spirit's seal," 'All thy fullness now I claim."

Lewis Hartsough, another Methodist minister active in Holiness hymnody wrote: "I Am Glad There Is Cleansing" and "I Hear Thy Welcome Voice" in which stanzas two and three recount:

Tho' coming weak and vile, Thou dost my strength assure;
Thou dost my vileness fully cleanse, Till spotless all, and pure.
'Tis Jesus calls me on To perfect faith and love,
To perfect hope and peace and trust, For earth and heav'n above.

Mary Wingate's didactic "Consecration" is noted above. Annie Wittenmeyer abandons the lofty heights of Beulali Land to dwell in "The Valley of Blessing":

I have entered the valley of blessing so sweet,
And Jesus abides with me there;
And His spirit and blood make my cleansing complete,
And His perfect love casteth out fear.

Chorus:

Oh, come to this valley of blessing so sweet,
Where Jesus will fullness bestow
And believe, and receive, and confess Him
That all His salvation may know.

Abbie Mills' "Cleanse and Fill Me" provides a fairly complete idea of the Holiness emphasis:

I am coming, Jesus, coming, At thy feet I humbly bow;
I have tasted thy salvation, But I want the fullness now.

Chorus:

Cleanse and fill me, cleanse and fill me, Fill me with thy Spirit now;
Cleanse and fill me, blessed Jesus, Fill me with thy Spirit now.
Take away the bent to sinning, Ev'ry bitter root within;
Heal the tide at its beginning, That has caused me oft to sin.

Chorus

Search as with a lighted candle Ev'ry hidden corner, Lord;
Separate me from the evil Thro' thine ever living Word.

Chorus

Now thou art the blood applying, I am clean, I feel the flow
That alone hath power to make me Whiter than the purest snow.

Chorus

Lo! the promise of the Father Swift descends, and fills me now;
Glory, glory, hallelujah! Thou art cleansing, filling now.

Chorus

Elisha Hoffman was noted above as providing numerous hymns of a generic language enjoying widespread popularity. He also wrote hymns more specifically didactic. One such example is "Glory, Glory, I Am Saved" which builds to stanza four as it rhapsodizes:

Higher, higher, higher, higher! Jesus, Jesus, is there more? "Yes, the living tongues of fire; Yes, the Pentecostal power.

Delia T White's" 'Tis Burling in My Soul" presents clear Holiness teaching:

God sent his mighty pow'r To this poor sinful heart, To keep me ev'ry hour, And needful grace impart;

And since his Spirit came To take supreme control,

The loveenkindled flame Is burning in my soul.

Chorus: 'Tis burning in my soul....

Before the cross I bow, Upon the altar lay

A willing offering now, My all from day to day.

My Saviour paid the price, My name he sweetly calls;

Upon the sacrifice The fire from heaven falls.

Chorus

No good that I have done; His promise I embrace:

Accepted in the Son, He saves me by his grace;

All glory be to God! Let hallelujahs roll;

His love is shed abroad, The fire is in my soul.

Chorus

Although George Bennard's famous gospel song "The Old Rugged Cross" contains a passing reference to Holiness teaching which might be missed by the casual singer (noted above), his "Have Thy Way, Lord" is much more explicit:

Jesus, see me at thy feet, With my sacrifice complete;
I am bringing all to thee, Thine alone I'll be.

Chorus: Have thy way, Lord. .

O how patient thou hast been With my pride and inbred sin!
O what mercy thou hast shown, Grace and love unknown!

Chorus

Lord, thy love has won my all, Let thy Spirit on me fall;
Burn up ev'ry trace of sin; Make me pure within.

Chorus

Praise the Lord, the work is done! Praise the Lord, the vict'ry's won!
Now the blood is cleansing me, From all sin I'm free.

Chorus

One of the most prolific as well as one of the most explicit in teaching the various specifics of Holiness beliefs was Mrs. C. H. Morris. In "I Long to Be Holy," the songwriter reveals:

I long to be holy, All spotless within,
Free from the defilement Of ev'ry known sin;
The past with its follies All under the blood,
Soul, body and spirit, All yielded to God.

Chorus: Take me and make me holy. .

I long to be holy, Carnality slain,
My heart a fit temple Where Jesus shall reign;
When pure is the fountain, The stream will be pure,
Thy blood for my cleansing, The remedy sure.

Chorus

I long to be holy, Lord, thou hast the pow'r
To sanctify wholly Thy children this hour;
Faith claims the blest promise, Thy word cannot fail,
And for us this moment The blood doth avail.

Chorus

In "Tarry Till the Power Comes Down" the chorus summarizes:

We will tarry till the pow'r comes down,
We will tarry till the pow'r comes down;
Since the Lord for us hath willed that we all be Spirit-filled,
We will tarry till the pow'r comes down.

The experience proves no fleeting one however as is evidenced in 'I Still Have the Blessing":

I can ne'er forget the day, when the Lord did me baptize
With the Holy Ghost and fire;
When upon the altar lay my unworthy sacrifice,
And he sent the Holy Ghost and fire.

Chorus:

I still have the blessing. . . For the Blesser in my heart abides enkindling there the flame.
'Twas when I surrendered all, God his spirit did impart...
And that love enkindled flame still is burning in my heart...

Chorus

How the pow'r that day came down and the gift was sanctified...
And the promise of our Lord unto me was verified...

Chorus

Ev'ry longing soul today may be fully satisfied. . .
Yes, the Comforter will come in his temple to abide. . .

Chorus

Perhaps one of the most fruitful avenues of study may be that of demonstrating how didactic Holiness hymns reflect both the more subtle and sometimes almost cataclysmic shifts in doctrinal emphases within the movement. A classic example is that of the Pentecostal influence within Holiness circles. Although the Holy Spirit played an important role in the Wesley hymns,17 the person and work of Christ was definitely the focus of most nineteenth-century Holiness altar phraseology and hymnody. However, with the rise of Pentecostalism, one can clearly see the growing importance of the role of the Holy Spirit as the primary agent in both salvation and sanctification as well as the exercise of spiritual gifts. Many hymns reflect this shift in emphasis or theology wherein the "second blessing" becomes synonymous with the baptism of the Holy Ghost.18 Without doubt the category of didactic Holiness hymns should be viewed as a significant barometer of theological change within the movement.

In addition to the textual characteristics of Holiness hymnody, one might well consider the musical aspects of the genre in an investigation of the question "What constitutes a Holiness hymn?" Here there seems to be much less diversity than was found in textual considerations. For, almost without exception, Holiness hymnody seems to have adapted the style of popular nineteenth century religious music which was first known as the Sunday School song and by 1875 became known as the gospel song. As the product of urban nineteenth-century revivalism, the popularity of the musical genre of gospel hymnody coincided with the age of Holiness popularity and influence. And because both revivalism and Holiness concerns were closely intertwined, with many Holiness leaders often being leading revivalists in Methodism, it is not unusual to find the style of gospel hymnody, which became the musical language of the revivalism, almost universally employed for Holiness purposes.

Many of the leading gospel songwriters during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries were also proponents of Holiness thought. These included William G. Fischer, Charles Gabriel, Elisha A. Hoffman, William J. Kirkpatrick, John Sweney and others. In addition, there were no few exponents of sanctification who saw the established churches, particularly Methodism, as being more interested in temporal religious concerns such as buildings, liturgies, and paid quartet choirs than in eternal spiritual concerns such as individual salvation and a holy life. In some minds, the traditional church hymn style undoubtedly suffered a certain amount of guilt by association, while the popular gospel song style seemed to be clearly associated, at least in Holiness thought, with those who sought to win the world to Christ and promote a separated and holy life among believers. Thus, the gospel song style became a natural vehicle for Holiness sentiments.19

It is obviously difficult if not impossible to discuss Holiness hymn texts or music without reference to the individuals who brought them about. Thus, here a second primary question in Holiness hymnody and its methodology must be addressed: "Who are the significant individuals in Holiness hymnody and what are their contributions?"

In general it might be observed that many of those who made important contributions to the movement were often known more for their efforts in endeavors other than hymnody. Others, who are recognized for their contributions to hymnody, have not been recognized for their Holiness contributions or connections. Where hymnological material is available it is often silent or, at best, incomplete in addressing Holiness hymnological questions. 20 As a point of entry on this level, the following individuals should be considered as worthy of investigation for the light which such research will undoubtedly shed on the larger arenas of Holiness hymnody and Holiness studies.

A first grouping might include John Inskip, William McDonald, and Lewis Hartsough. All three edited important collections for the National Association for the Promotion of Holiness, of which Inskip and McDonald were founders.21 Hartsough also provided musical editing for The Revivalist as well as writing numerous hymns. McDonald wrote hymns and was involved in editing seven song collections. As men whose primary activities were pastoring, evangelism, and denominational concerns, their seminal position as editors of song collections influenced what many were singing in Holiness circles. Their contributions to Holiness hymnody deserve a more careful delineation.

Two other musical editor-publishers should be noted: Henry Shepherd Date and Elisha Albright Hoffman. Both names are linked in the Pentecostal Hymns series which Date, an active Methodist, published as the beginnings of Hope Publishing Company. 22 Hoffman was one of the musical editors and a major contributor of texts and tunes for the series. Particularly significant for future investigation is the role these men played in popularizing a body of song which found wide acceptance both within and without Holiness circles. Further research may well demonstrate the pivotal role Elisha Hoffman played in "bridging the gap" between the two worlds of mainstream and Holiness hymnody. Although Hoffman pastored Congregational and Presbyterian churches during his career, he was closely aligned with the Evangelical Association, which was thoroughly Holiness in orientation. In the latter denomination Hoffman was actively involved in assisting or editing the church's periodicals which often included vigorous, if not rancorous, debate concerning the finer points of Holiness theology and its application.23

William G. Fischer, William J. Kirkpatrick, and John R. Sweney were all contemporary Philadelphians whose interest in Methodism, sanctification, and gospel hymnody makes them worthy of research within a Holiness context. All three are widely known as major contributors to nineteenth-century gospel hymnody, primarily as composers and, in the case of Kirkpatrick and Sweney, editors. Yet their role within the Holiness movement has never been clearly defined.

Two additional gospel songwriters of a distinctly Holiness caste were Johnson Oatman, Jr., and John Hart Stockton. The tunes of Stockton and the texts of Oatman (although not combined with each other) have found wide acceptance both within Holiness circles and without. A third songwriter, Henry Lake Gilmour, should also be noted for his lifelong activity as song-leader and choir director at Methodist camp meetings and for his role in Holiness and gospel hymnody.

Philip Phillips, "The Singing Pilgrim," remains one of the more shadowy figures in the larger world of gospel hymnody. Of international reputation in his day as a gospel singer, he literally circled the globe performing nearly four thousand times. His song collections were not only highly successful but also exerted a powerful influence on persons such as Ira Sankey. Although his work is little known today, he played a significant role in nineteenth-century Methodist life. He edited the Methodist tune book, and his songs, collections, and ministry reflected strong Holiness sympathies.24

Three female Holiness hymnists are Phoebe Palmer, her daughter Phoebe Palmer Knapp, and the Englishwoman Frances Havergal whose hymns became popular in the United States. Although Palmer contributed only one hymn, "The Cleansing Wave," her immense influence on the Holiness movement and its language of expression especially in its "altar phraseology"make her a seminal figure in Holiness hymnody. Her daughter Phoebe was a prolific composer of gospel tunes and a close friend of Fanny Crosby. The question of her influence on the thinking and hymn-writing of the century's most popular hymn-writer must not be ignored. Although Havergal's hymns have not been closely associated with Holiness teachings per se, this influential hymn-writer should be reconsidered in the current context. It seems difficult to imagine that such an experience as that of the hymn-writer would not be reflected in her hymns:

Yes, it was on Advent Sunday, Dee. 2, 1873, I first saw clearly the blessedness of true consecration. I saw it as a flash of electric light, and what you see you never can unsee. There must be full surrender before there can be full blessedness.25

One of the most prolific and didactic of Holiness women hymn-writers was Lelia Naylor (Mrs. C. H.) Morris. Because of the highly specific nature of her writing, only her more generic hymns have been widely sung outside of Holiness circles. Nevertheless, her highly articulate hymns may prove an excellent indicator of changing Holiness perceptions in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. As an avocational hymn-writer and one primarily occupied with domestic concerns throughout her life, she provides a fascinating contrast to other women songwriters who were actively involved in ministry.26

Two such women were Civilla Durfee Martin and Margaret J. Harris. Both were actively involved with their respective husbands Walter Stillman Martin and John M. Harris in evangelistic and pastoral work. Both collaborated with their husbands in writing gospel songs which found acceptance in Holiness circles. In addition to the role of women in various aspects of ministry, a study of the life and work of couples such as these may reveal much concerning "grassroots" ministries carried out on less than a national scale, yet ministries which made up the warp-and-woof of the Holiness movement.27

For those interested in the significant but often undocumented role of women in ministry, a few names should be noted. All have provided at least one important contribution (usually hymn text) to Holiness hymnody: Mary D. James, Abbie Mills, Delia T. White, and Annie Wittenmeyer. Although Evangeline Booth is hardly unknown, her role in Holiness hymnody also deserves more attention.

At least three early twentieth-century songwriters of holiness bent should be noted. All were involved in pastoral or evangelistic work at some time during their careers, and all have made important contributions to Holiness hymnody. They are George Bennard ("The Old Rugged Cross"), Haldor Lillenas (of the Lillenas Publishing Company, purchased by Nazarene Publishing House in 1930), and A. B. Simpson (associated with the Christian and Missionary Alliance).28

Three of the most significant figures in nineteenth-century gospel hymnody were undoubtedly Philip P Bliss, Fanny Crosby, and Ira D. Sankey. None was overtly Holiness in persuasion, but all wrote hymns that reflected a sensitivity to or an influence of Holiness theology As Methodists, and close friends or co-laborers with those professing a second work of grace, Crosby and Sankey were certainly aware of Holiness teaching and terminology Bliss, although of Baptist and Presbyterian connection, moved in wide evangelical circles in the world of revivalism and was doubtless aware of the movement and its influence. Just what relationship and sympathy these three had with Holiness thought and practice is of real significance for the placing of Holiness hymnody within the larger context of gospel hymnody. And when one realizes that Fanny Crosby has remained revivalism's most popular hymnic voice for over a century, and that Bliss and Sankey edited the Gospel Hymns that became the "bible" of gospel hymnody, their relationship to the movement cannot be too clearly delineated.29

Two other names should be mentioned here: Daniel Whittle, the preaching half of the Whittle-Bliss evangelistic team, and Charles Gabriel who was, along with George C. Stebbins, the leading gospel songwriter of the early twentieth century. Whittle was a true nondenominational son of revivalism, yet his texts reflect a proclivity for language sensitive to issues of sanctification. Much the same can be said for Gabriel who not only furnished the era of Billy Sunday with its best songs but also was a prominent feature at Ocean Grove camp meetings as song-leader.

A third and perhaps fundamental methodological question should be explored as one seeks to ask basic defining questions relevant to Holiness hymnody. It is, "What are the significant song collections or hymnals that illuminate the field?" Growing from this might be, "What is the core hymnody of the Holiness movement?" That is, "What are the most significant texts and tunes that characterize Holiness hymnody?"

Obviously the last two questions relating to the movement's repertoire are far too broad for the present study to consider, but at some point fairly early in defining the discipline's parameters, such a question should be broached. One of the main benefits here is that a specific and reasonably clear body of song must be established as the working content of the subject. If this cannot be accomplished towards the outset, spurious conclusions are liable to be drawn from research not based on representative samples. This is particularly true for those with little experiential knowledge of the songs themselves. It should be axiomatic that not every song included in a Holiness collection or using terminology meaningful to Holiness adherents is indeed a "Holiness hymn" from which theological, sociological, or hymnic conclusions can necessarily be made. Yet, without a core of songs which accurately represent the movement, researchers are forced to invent the wheel anew with nearly every foray into the hymnic wilderness.

The first question relating to significant collections comes perilously close to bibliographic considerations which also must fall outside the realm of this initial query. Yet, some direction for investigation seems appropriate in what remains a rather uncharted area.30

Just as the Holiness movement found it necessary to create its own periodicals, camp meetings, associations, and ultimately denominations in order to further its beliefs, it also became necessary to develop its own song collections in order to define, express, and promote itself. And just as many of the official periodicals, camp meetings, and structures of Methodism seemed to lack the necessary sympathy for or understanding of nineteenth-century concepts of sanctification, so too did the various official Methodist hymnals seem impervious to the flowering of songs that accompanied the Holiness movement. While it is true that all Methodist hymnals included sections variously titled Holiness, Sanctification, or Christian Perfection, the contents were almost wholly those of Wesleyan hymns on the subject with little reflection of the changing theological and musical revolution that was taking place. Thus, one must look elsewhere than official hymnals to trace the development of Holiness hymnody.

As a rule, historically, fledgling religious bodies, especially those of a somewhat amorphous nature, did not issue hymn collections as one of their first priorities, even though the very songs they sang may have been one of the most visible, defining, and unifying activities of that group.31 The simple reasons were that for a body to issue a collection of representative or useful songs to meet its unique needs or views, there had to be a reasonable amount of organizational infrastructure and commitment in terms of capital (either organizationally or, often, an individual willing to take the financial risk) to make such a project possible. Thus, before that could happen, a group would often borrow its hymnody from either appropriate or handy places. Such seems to have been the case with early Holiness hymnody. It certainly had a wealth of Wesleyan hymns on the subject from which to draw, even if they didn't quite express the modified concepts of

American Holiness thought.32 In addition there were plenty of standard hymns available filled with language which seemed to suggest sentiments of sanctification. And lastly, there was the popular Sunday School song style which was becoming the musical lingua franca of adult revivalism and, by extension, the style of worship music for those groups organizing worship on a revivalistic model.33

By the late 1860's a number of Holiness leaders were involved in compiling, editing, or contributing to song collections which in turn reflected their enthusiasm for sanctification. Such collections, although not explicitly Holiness in purpose or design, were undoubtedly welcomed by those seeking musical resources to express their beliefs. One popular example was The Revivalist (Troy, NY: Joseph Hillman, 1867) whose musical editor was the Reverend Lewis Hartsough. The collection reflects a strong Holiness emphasis. It opens with that perennial favorite "There is a fountain" and continues with songs which speak of "inbred sin" (#25), and the "holy fire descending. . . purify and make us whole" (#38), in addition to what were becoming Holiness standards: "Lord, I Hear Showers of Blessing," "I Hear Thy Welcome Voice," "Jesus Paid It All," "Only Trust Him," "The Great Physician," "Coming To The Cross," "The Cleansing Wave," as well as that classic statement of altar theology "Consecration," by Mary D. James. The collection also contained a topical index in which the section entitled Sanctification listed thirty-eight titles. 34

With the establishment of the National Association for the Promotion of Holiness in 1867 the production of song collections for Association camp meetings was a logical development. One of the results was Beulah Songs: A Choice Collection of Popular Hymns and Music New and Old Especially Adapted to Camp Meetings, Family Worship, and All Other Assemblies Where Jesus Is Praised (Phila.: National Publishing Association for the Promotion of Holiness, 1870), edited by Rev. W McDonald and Rev. L. Hartsough. Needless to say, hymns of Holiness conviction predominated, most being in the popular gospel song style musically. The collection reflects a strong tendency toward subjective and experiential songs with heaven and death being popular subjects, often spoken of in near-rapturous terms. There was definitely a sense of transcending the present evil world.

A second Association publication was Songs of Triumph: Adapted to Prayer Meetings, Camp Meetings, and All Other Seasons of Religious Worship (Phila.: Nat. Pub. Assn. for the Promotion of Holiness, 1882) as selected and arranged by Rev. J. S. Inskip, one of the Association's founders. Besides providing additional Holiness songs to the repertoire, this collection seems to reflect the strong influence of William Kirkpatrick and John R. Sweney.

In fact Sweney had for some time been producing collections especially for the musical needs at Ocean Grove where he was the longtime music director. These included Gems of Praise (1873) and Goodly Pearls (1875), both published by John J. Hood of Philadelphia.35 Such collections were perhaps typical of those that seemed to multiply exponentially as the century drew to a close and during the first few decades of the next when every meeting or assembly issued its own (often paperback) collection reflecting the newest songs written by national or local aspirants to fame or godly service.36

A most unusual series of songbooks was issued under the title Pentecostal Hymns by Henry Date beginning in 1893. 37 These were the first publications of Hope Publishing Company, which enjoyed the expertise of Elisha Hoffman as one of the musical editors for the first four volumes in the series. Hoffman was much involved in Holiness hymnody, and his influence is particularly evident in the first three volumes in the series, which rely heavily upon his hymns and tunes. In addition to the series' title which is suggestive of Holiness sympathies, the volumes' contents also reflected a decidedly Holiness caste. However, the series was apparently not directed specifically at the sanctified, for the topical indexes have no headings for Holiness or Sanctification although Purity is listed. Nevertheless, this series should be investigated for the significant role it, and other collections like it, played in "bridging the gap" between Holiness and non-holiness believers.

The unofficial bible of gospel hymnody was the six-volume series Gospel Hymns and Sacred Songs (New York: Biglow and Main; Cincinnati: John Church, 18751894) edited by P P Bliss (Nos. 1, 2), Ira D. Sankey, and (Nos. 36) James McGranahan, George C. Stebbins. The overwhelming popularity of the series made the name gospel a generic term for any personal, unsophisticated, popular religious song. The series succeeded in exerting vast influence over the rest of the publishing industry involved in popular church music. Gospel Hymns eventually began to supplant Sunday School collections in the Sunday School, devotional meetings, and evening services, and became a general all-purpose songbook.

The main stream of gospel hymnody followed Gospel Hymns, and this series remained unchallenged to the end of the century. Gospel songs which first appeared in other collections later became immensely popular through their inclusion in one of the six editions.38

This certainly appears to have been the case with certain Holiness hymns. Although originally published in The Revivalist in 1868, Hartsough's "I Hear Thy Welcome Voice" did not gain the widespread recognition it came to enjoy until after its inclusion in Gospel Hymns (No.1, 1875). The same is true for William Hunter's "The Great Physician." John Stockton's "Come every soul by sin oppressed" ("Only Trust Him") provides a slightly different example of the commanding position and influence of Gospel Hymns. Stockton published the song with a chorus which read "Come to Jesus, come to Jesus, come to Jesus now; He will save you, he will save you now," and it was disseminated widely in Holiness song collections in that form. However, Ira Sankey felt the chorus to be too repetitive because "come" was also prominent in the stanzas. He therefore changed the chorus to read "Only trust Him, only trust Him now..." as published in Gospel Hymns (No.1). And that has been the form in which the hymn has enjoyed its popularity ever since. Numerous additional examples could also be cited.

It would be a wrong inference, however, to conclude that Gospel Hymns was an important series for the spread of Holiness hymnody for, in general, it reflected the world of revivalism which D. L. Moody epitomized; and Moody was always adamant to steer a moderate, nonsectarian course on all matters theological. Although Moody himself had experienced a dramatic 'second work" or "empowering" in late 1871, which he credited with being the reason for his success, he was always suspicious of religious enthusiasm for anything other than the simple gospel. Thus, the body of songs which characterized his ministry, as sung, directed, compiled, published, and popularized by Ira Sankey, was typical of revivalism itself which stressed the basic fundamentals of belief and left the finer points of doctrinal disputation to others. As the most important example of "mainstream" gospel hymnody, the Gospel Hymns series, issued over a period of nearly twenty years (18751891), provides a "control" or musical plumb-line against which Holiness collections might be compared.

Over four centuries ago the theologian and hymn-writer Martin Luther exclaimed, "I am strongly persuaded that after theology there is no art that can be placed on a level with music; for besides theology music is the only art capable of affording peace and joy of the heart... the devil flees before the sound of music almost as much as before the Word of God." Apparently such ideas have not been limited to Luther alone, for, three hundred years after Luther nailed his theses to the church door at Wittenburg in an effort to reform a spiritually dead church, another group of reformers set out to revive the dying embers of holiness teachings within Methodism. Both reform movements produced a rich body of hymnody which not only articulates their beliefs but also finds widespread acceptance outside of the movements themselves. Thus, the convictions and beliefs which motivated such bold words and deeds are yet echoed round the world as Christians lift their hearts in song.

"Sing unto the Lord,O ye saints of his! and give thanks at the remembrance of his holiness" (Psalm 30:4).

Notes

1 E. S. Bucke, ed. The History of American Methodism (NY: Abingdon, 1964), Vol.11, p.341.

2 David Bundy, "Historiographical Issues Presented by Printed and Archival Resources," a paper delivered at "Resources for Research on the Wesleyan/Holiness Movement," a pre-conference event of the Twenty-fifth Annual Conference of the Wesleyan Theological

Society (Nov., 1989), makes a good case for typical problems confronting the researcher in many phases of Holiness studies, including hymnody.

3 One of the few works on the Holiness movement in general which also provides an excellent treatment of hymnody within the context of its broader concerns is Charles E. Jones, Perfectionist Persuasion: The Holiness Movement in American Methodism, 18674936, ATLA Monograph Series No.5 (Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press, 1974), chapter 5.

4 Although some mark the beginnings of the American Holiness movement as early as 1835 with Sarah Lankford's experience, while others see the revival of 18571858 as central, the focus of this study on Holiness hymnody is more likely to coincide with the time frame posited by Charles Jones in Perfectionist Persuasion of 18671936.

5 William E. Sangster, The Path to Perfection, (NY/Nashville: Abingdon Cokesbury Press, 1943), p.60.

6 A myriad of accounts and interpretations of Palmer's "altar phraseology" are available: Melvin E. Dieter, The Holiness Revival of the Nineteenth Century, Studies in Evangelicalism, No. 1, (Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press, 19890): 2731; Dale Dunlap, "Tuesday Meetings, Camp Meetings, and Cabinet Meetings: A Perspective on the Holiness Movement in the Methodist Church in the Nineteenth Century, Methodist History 13 (April, 1975): 85106; Theodore Hovet, "Phoebe Palmer's 'Altar Phraseology' and the Spiritual Dimension of Woman's Sphere," The Journal of Religion 63 (July, 1983): 26480; Ivan Howard, "Wesley versus Phoebe Palmer: An Extended Controversy," Wesleyan Theological Journal, 6 (Spring, 1971): 3140; Charles E. White, The Beauty of Holiness: Phoebe Palmer as Theologian, Revivalist, Feminist, and Humanitarian, (Grand Rapids: Francis Asbury Press, 1986). It should be noted that Charles Wesley did use the metaphor of altar at times but with a different meaning than Palmer:

O Thou who camest from above The pure celestial fire to impart,

Kindle a flame of sacred love On the mean altar of my heart.

7 The genre of "Beulah songs" may well represent a strong trend in Holiness life toward an emphasis on being rather than doing (Dieter, The Holiness Revival, p.122). Dunlap ('~Tuesday Meetings," pp.97, 105) sees a strong shift in this direction after 1880 with an increased concern for personal holiness and little or no sense of social holiness; Jones (Perfectionist Persuasion, pp.3546) includes a number of additional examples of "Beulah songs" within the larger context of the Christian pilgrimage. Jones' fine approach via the extended pilgrimage metaphor encompasses many excellent and diverse examples of hymns reflecting the rich tapestry of shades and meanings available by means of this common poetic/hymnic device.

8 This can be best understood in the context of the discussions on Phoebe Palmer's "altar phraseology"

9 George Hughes, Days of Power in the Forest Temple: A Review of the Wonderful Work of God at Fourteen National Camp meetings from 1867-1872, (Boston: John Bent, 1873), p.246.

10 It is somewhat ironic that her classic hymn contains no specific reference to "altar phraseology" although it does reflect the immediacy of her 'shorter way."

11 Hughes, Days of Power, pp.245247.

12 Hughes, Days of Power, pp.258259.

13 William J. Reynolds, Companion to Baptist Hymnal, (Nashville: Broadman Press, 1976), pp.186187; also see Lawrence R. Schoenhals, Companion to Hymns of Faith and Life, (Winona Lake, IN: Light and Life Press, 1980), pp.283285.

14 H. C. Morrison, "A Parting Word to Herald Readers," Pentecostal Herald (April 8, 1942): 1. Timothy Smith, "The Holy Spirit in the Hymns of the Wesleys," Wesleyan Theological Journal 16 (Fall, 1981): 38, sees another reason for adoption of the hymn: "By some special kind of poetic irony, six generations of American Wesleyans have sung Toplady's hymn . . . in blissful disregard of its author's staunch Calvinism....They read Methodist meanings into Toplady's grander lines, remembering John Wesley's teaching that water in Biblical symbol nearly always stands for the sanctifying Spirit." Toplady's hymn has experienced numerous alterations. The last line of the first stanza was originally penned "save me from its guilt and power." In A. B. Earle's Revival Hymns (No.46) the lines took on a decidedly Holiness complexion: "be of sin the perfect cure, save me Lord and make me pure.

15 Although "More Holiness Give Me" uses an appropriate term in its title, a closer look at the full text strongly suggests Bliss was teaching a growth or maturing process in the Christian's life rather than a second work experience. Bliss often used the terms full and perfect in his hymns "perfect" examples of generic usage.

l6 This song could easily fit into the adoptive category, for it contains few or no generic terms appropriatable by Holiness believers; in fact, the song seems quite clearly to teach a continuing process of sanctification rather than a specific second experience. However, because of the author's close association with the Holiness movement and perhaps because of the song's overriding focus on another level of Christian experience, it "at once took high rank among the holiness people, and secured a lasting place in American hymnology. Nothing can bring forth more shouts at a camp-meeting of 'Glory' and 'Hallelujah' than the singing of Higher Ground."' (J. H. Hall, Biography of Gospel Song and Hymn Writers, NY: Fleming Revell, 1914 pp.357358).

17 For an excellent overview of this subject, see Timothy L. Smith, "The Holy Spirit in the Hymns of the Wesleys" and T. Crichton Mitchell, "Response to Dr. Timothy Smith on the Wesleys' Hymns," both in Wesleyan Theological Journal 16 (Fall, 1981).

18 This and a half dozen other important theological shifts in Holiness theology are analyzed in Donald Dayton's "Asa Mahan and the Development of American Holiness Theology" Wesleyan Theological Journal 9 (Spring, 1974); Dayton has also observed the changing terminology in various Holiness hymns. Some of the best examples of Pentecostal terminology in hymns are by Mrs. H. C. Morris whose hymns have been quoted.

Perhaps the best collection of articles related to Pentecostal hymnody is contained in The Hymn: A Journal of Congregational Song Vol.38, No. 1 (Jan., 1987). The entire issue is dedicated to music of Pentecostal churches and Charismatic fellowships and includes articles on historical roots, early Pentecostals, praise singing, singing in the Spirit, a bibliography of hymnals, and various responses.

19 In reaction to the growing musical sophistication in Methodist worship George Hughes bemoaned, "She is in danger... of being shorn of much of her musical poetry. Ritualistic ideas, where they have sway, demand what is very artistic in this department, but very soulless, possessing little of the spirit of Christian worship. Congregational singing... will ere long, we trust, be substituted for quartet arrangements, and all attempts at praising God by proxy," (Days of Power, pp.243244); another concerned voice, Rev. T. M. Eddy, proposed that "No man should be allowed to sing his fugue tunes, his opera music, or to flourish through his demise, miquavers, No! We want good, old stirring tunes full of melody, full of soultunes in which the congregation can join," (Dieter, Holiness Revival, p.146).

The best single source on the music of gospel hymnody remains the unpublished thesis of James C. Downey, "The Gospel Hymn, 18751930," (University of Southern Mississippi, 1963); also see Harry Eskew, "Gospel Music, I." The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 1980, VII, 549554; The New Grove Dictionary of American Music, 1986,11, 249254; Donald P Hustad, Jubilate: Church Music in the Evangelical Tradition, (Carol Stream, IL: Hope Pub., 1981); Edmund S. Lorenz, Church Music: What a Minister Should Know About It,

(NY: Fleming Revell, 1923); Ira D. Sankey, My Life and the Story of the Gospel Hymns, (NY: Harper and Bros., 1906); and Mel R. Wilhoit, "A Guide to the Principal Authors and Composers of Gospel Song of the Nineteenth Century," (unpublished dissertation, Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1982).

20 Although few sources treat individual gospel song writers from a Holiness perspective, the following standard works should be consulted as many make reference to areas of interest related to Holiness studies: Emory Bucke, Fred Gealy, Austin Lovelance, and Carlton Young, Companion to the Hymnal A Handbook to the 1964 Methodist Hymnal, (Nashville: Abingdon, 1970); Donald P Hustad, Dictionary Handbook to Hymns for the Living Church, (Carol Stream, IL: Hope Pub., 1978); Robert Guy McCutchan, Our Hymnody: A Manual of the Methodist Hymnal, (NY: Methodist Book Concern, 1937); William J. Reynolds, Companion to Baptist Hymnal (1975), (Nashville: Broadman, 1976); Reynolds, Hymns of Our Faith (Companion for Baptist Hymnal 1956), (Nashville: Broadman, 1964); Homer A. Rodeheaver, Hymnal Handbook for Standard Hymns and Gospel Songs, (Chicago: Rodeheaver Co, 1931); Lawrence R. Schoenhals, Companion to Hymns of Faith and Life, (Winona Lake, IN: Light and Life Press, 1980); also see J. H. Hall, Biography; Edmund Lorenz, Church Music; and Mel R. Wilhoit, "Guide to the Principal Authors and Composers."George Hughes, Days of Power, (Chapter XI "The Power of Song in the Forest Temple") does briefly note a number of persons in relation to their role in Holiness hymnody. For general biographical data see Matthew Simpson, ed., Cyclopedia of Methodism, (Phila.: Louis H. Everts, 1881).

21 Discussed under section on important song collections.

22 Discussed under section on important song collections.

23 The extent of Hoffman's participation in the theological dynamics of certain Holiness interpretations (and battles) within his own denomination is documented in J. Wesley Corbin, "Christian Perfection and the Evangelical Association Through 1875," Methodist History 7, (Jan., 1969); for a more thorough biographical account see Robert S. Wilson and Mel R. Wilhoit, "Elisha Albright Hoffman," The Hymn 35, (Jan., 1984): 3539.

24 Philip Phillips, Song Pilgrimage Around and Throughout the World, (Chicago: Fairbanks, Palmer and Co., 1880).

25 S. Olin Garrison, ed., Forty Witnesses Covering the Whole Range of Christian Experience, (Freeport, PA: Fountain Press, reprint, 1955), p.190; also see John H. Johansen, "Frances Ridley Havergal, 18364879: Poetess of Consecration," The Hymn 7, (April, 1956): 4148. Charles White, The Beauty of Holiness: Phoebe Palmer as.. ., does touch upon her role as hymn-writer but makes little of her contribution in that area as a woman (especially since one of the descriptive adjectives in the book's title is feminist); it may be possible that the wider role Palmer carved out for women in the religious world influenced the acceptance of women hymn-writers, a traditionally male domain. Charles Jones, Perfectionist Persuasion, provides a brief interpretation of Palmer's hymn and contrasts its theology with that of Wesley.

26 Mary Ethel Wiess, Singing at Her Work: A Biography of Mrs. C H. Morris, (Kansas City: Lillenas Pub. Co., 1934).

27 Walter Stillman was first ordained a Baptist minister and later joined the Disciples of Christ although he was very active in Holiness work throughout his life. Haldor Lillenas, Modern Gospel Hymn Stories, (Kansas City: Lillenas Pub. Co., 1952) reports that both the Harrises were large people and sang with great power and freedom; Mrs. Harris was a powerful exhorter and personal worker.

28 Whose hymnal editor was Holiness songwriter R. Kelso Carter.

29 D. W. Whittle, ed., Memoirs of Philip P Bliss, (NY: A. S. Barnes, 1877); Bob J. Neal, "Philip P Bliss (18384876): Gospel Hymn Composer and Compiler," (dissertation, New Orleans Baptist Theological Seminary, 1977); Donald P. Hustad, ed., Fanny Crosby Speaks Again, (Carol Stream, IL: Hope Pub. Co., 1977); Bernard Ruffin, Fanny Crosby, (United Church Press, 1976); Ira D. Sankey, My Life; David Williamson, Ira D. Sankey: The Story of His Life, (London: S. W Partridge, n.d.). Also see Sandra Sizer, Gospel Hymns and Social Religion: The Rhetoric of Nineteenth-Century Revivalism, (Phil~: Temple Press, 1978); Wihoit, 'A Guide. . . ."

30 Of a certainty, Charles Edwin Jones, A Guide to the Study of the Holiness Movement, ATLA Bibliography Series No. 1 (Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press and American Theological Library Association, 1974), provides some of the best landmarks for the disoriented albeit sanctified hymnologist. An extensive bibliography of song collections relevant to Holiness hymnody provides excellent direction in this area.

31 There was apparently enough distinctiveness about Holiness songs or singing to warrant the notice of their opponents. Even as an exercise in hyperbole, the following diatribe suggests the presence of a growing body of Holiness songs: "They have changed the name of our meetings, substituting Holiness for Methodist. They preach a different doctrine...; they sing different songs... they have adopted radically different words of worship...," quoted in Harold Mann, Atticus Greene Haygood, (Athens, GA: Univ. of GA Press, 1965), pp.164 165.

32 This seems to have been the case with the earliest Holiness camp meetings. Commenting on these early gatherings, George Hughes recounts: "Two things have been observable on these occasions. First, the revival of the old, well-tried hymnology of primitive days. Charles Wesley, our immortal poet, has renewed his youth, and once more taken his place at the front. His hymns, so full of Bible truth, and so soul-stirring, have been in favor." Days of Power, p.244.

33 The power of the gospel song style (words and music) cannot be taken too lightly in seeking to understand Holiness hymnody. In many ways, the new songs of sanctification were probably influenced as much by the dynamics of gospel hymnody as they were by Holiness theology. This critical point should not be overlooked in seeking to place Holiness hymnody within its larger context of revivalism and evangelicalism. One of the significant influences in this larger context was the role of emotionalism. Winthrop Hudson points out that during the nineteenth century there was a "movement from a relatively restrained recognition of the role of emotion in religious experience to an uninhibited emotionalism, an emotionalism deliberately heightened by preaching techniques, by the use of 'spiritual songs' (simplified texts with repetitive refrains set to popular tunes), and by a variety of other 'new measures' designed to elicit a highly emotional response," ("The Methodist Age in America," Methodist History 12, April, 1974, p.7.) "It was inevitable that pietists would discover in the camp meetings... that the emotional patterns of the conversion experience could become the liturgy and sacrament of the religious fellowship," Melvin Dieter, Holiness Revival, p.147 quoting Smith and Jamison, The Shaping of American Religion. Thus, gospel hymnody's influence on the church music of its day was a force to be reckoned with.

34 The version here consulted was the revised edition of 1872. For an excellent survey of the volume from a broad perspective, see Ellen Jane Lorenze Porter, "The Revivalist," The Hymn: A Journal of Congregational Song Vol. 41, No.2 (April, 1990).

35 Sweney's music for Edgar Stites' "Beulah Land" was probably the most popular of all the Beulah songs. Although the song is infrequently sung in most religious circles today, the irony is that it may well find its most enduring epitaph in the music of the American composer Charles Ives: Symphonies Nos. 2 and 4 and Violin Sonata No.3.

36 See Charles Jones, A Guide to the Study of the Holiness Movement.

37 The full title read Pentecostal Hymns: A Winnowed Collection for Evangelistic Services, Young People's Societies and Sunday Schools. The series eventually ran to six volumes.

38 William J. Reynolds, A Survey of Christian Hymnody, (NY: Holt, Rhinehart, Winston, 1963), p.106; rev. ed. by Reynolds and Milburn Price entitled A Joyful Sound, 1977.

39 William Reynolds, Companion, pp.100, 214215, 5051.

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