BOOK REVIEWS

The Weapons of Goodwill: The History of the Salvation Army, 19461977 by Frederick Coutts. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1986,347 pp. Reviewed by Norman H. Murdoch, Ph.D., Assoc. Professor, History, University of Cincinnati, Cincinnati, Ohio.

Altogether too typical of the genre of "official history," this seventh volume of the Salvation Army's in-house annals does little to help historians comprehend the evolution of the Army's evangelicalism or social services since World War II. Authored by the Army's eighth General, and covering the administrations of his two predecessors and two successors, this book bears the stifling imprimatur of the Army and the approval of its living generals. The title could have been "the travels and travails of Salvation Army Generals, 19461977." This family digest follows generals as they circumnavigate the globe on visits to Army installations. Possibly the Army family will enjoy the vignettes of Salvationist service at disasters on five continents without the intrusion of analysis. Chronological to a fault, the book condenses accounts from the War Cry (the official voice) and Salvationist memoirs, including those of generals Albert Orsborn (194654), The House of My Pilgrimage; Wilfred Kitching (195463), A Goodly Heritage; Bernard Watson's The 9th General, A Profile of Erik Wickberg (196974); Clarence D. Wiseman (197477), A Burning in My Bones; and Arnold Brown (197481), The Gate and the Light; but only hints at an occasional controversy.

Historians will be as dissatisfied with this tome as they have been with earlier efforts in this series, begun in 1946, which represents the only international history of this important movement. When Prof. Howard R. Murphy reviewed volume 4 in this series he accused its author of trying to "vindicate the Army's leaders rather than explain them," of being "more interested in being inspirational than in being penetrating," with "no evidence of either historical perspective or historical curiosity." (Victorian Studies, December 1964, p.185)

In the present case this fault is most obvious in chapters which deal with the 1960's, a "decade of fermentation" when, as Alec R. Vidler put it, ecclesiastical "havens of stability" encountered "universal restlessness and passion for change and innovation." (Alec R. Vidler, The Church in an Age of Revolution, 1971, p. 296). Although the author, Frederick Coutts, was General in the 1960's and confronted hot issues in his memoirs: No Continuing City (1976) and In Good Company (1980), he did not choose to treat them here. Many will ask: where are the controversies over the sacraments (the Army, like the Society of Friends, does not observe them) and the Army's standing as a church; where is the equality of women issue (the Army has always had women clergy, but women challenged the hierarchy over their lack of leadership posts in the 1960's and 1970's); where is the attack on autocratic authority (the Army is as hierarchical as the Roman Catholic Church whose structure Vatican II challenged in 196265); where is the uprising of Third World and racial minorities? And where is the Army's frustration over its lack of growth in cities where it began in 1865?

Coutts does take up the problem of the Army's detachment from the working class. He quotes Denis Hunter, who asserted that the Army had "parted company from John Fellow and his family." The Salvationist sought to atone for this "most damaging of all his failures" by celebrating a Year of Industrial Evangelism in 1961 (p. 139). But statistical proof of the Army's failure to reach either the working-poor or the "down-and-out" with its gospel is not produced in this book. Was the Army's prime mode of evangelism, open-air meetings, successful in reaching sinners, or had street meetings become mere rituals? Was the Army's membership and clergy growing? This official treatise does not respond to these essential questions. Could it be that official histories avoid obvious questions when the answers would embarrass the organization?

Coutts personally favored the Army's membership in the World Council of Churches, one of the hottest issues in this period, but he does not discuss why fundamentalist Salvationists opposed that membership and General Arnold Brown terminated the association. Thus for good official reasons, but poor historical reasons, Coutts chose not expose a basic rift in Army ranks. Still the best work on this and other issues in recent Salvation Army history is Prof. John Coutts' The Salvationists (1977). For now John Coutts' work will stand beside his father's official history to provide an understanding of the Army's recent history. A complete critical study of the Salvation Army is yet to be penned.

Truly Ourselves, Truly the Spirit's: Reflections on Life in the Spirit by Laurence W. Wood. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Francis Asbury Press/Zondervan Publishing Co, 1989.238 pp. Reviewed by Richard S. Taylor, ThD., Professor Emeritus of Theology and Missions, Nazarene Theological Seminary, Kansas City, Missouri.

Eight of these twelve chapters are devoted to specific aspects of the Spirit's ministry in and to the believer, under the headings of Love, Hope, Power, Miracles and Gifts, Truth, Peace, and Assurance. The opening three chapters lay the foundations and erect the structural framework, while the last chapter focuses on "Receiving the Holy Spirit."

This volume could perhaps be called a sequel to Wood's earlier book, Pentecostal Grace, in the sense that the basic premises are reaffirmed, and from there greatly elaborated in terms of practical Christian experience Furthermore, this volume is written on a much more popular level, with numerous illustrations and an obvious effort to make the material understandable to the reader who is not a technically trained theologian.

Yet the book is thoroughly scholarly, sufficiently so to command the intellectual respect of professionals. This scholarly buttressing is seen not only in the text itself but in the very extensive notes. The result is a work midway between the ABC's of simplicity and the XYZ's of difficulty; which means that the readership is still limited. Readers with a college education, and who already have some exposure to the thinkers and ideas introduced, will grasp the discussion more readily. Others should perhaps be gathered into classes for group study under a competent guide. In fact, in proper hands the book could be very useful as a discipling class textbook. It would serve to provide new but thoughtful Christians with a solid grounding in the basic doctrines relating to the soteriological ministry of the Spirit.

The theological premise of the book is that God's design in calling Abraham, Israel, the Prophets, and giving His Son, is that Pentecost might be possible, as in essence the restoration of the Spirit to the full indwelling of the believer's heart, in sanctification, friendship, and fulfillment. The hermeneutical key is that Old Testament history, gathered around the Exodus and the Conquest, provides not only the rib cage for Old Testament theology but even more significantly for New Testament theology as well. The history of Israel prefigured redemption in Christ, to the extent that Exodus and Conquest could almost be seen as the interface of Easter and Pentecost.

The missing link in Old Testament history was the indwelling Spirit; the contrasting fulfillment in the New is the sanctifying Spirit, seen as the fulfillment of "the Promise," promised in the Old and reaffirmed by John the Baptist and Jesus. Thus sanctification becomes the special effect of Pentecost; only indirectly the effect of Calvary. The Atonement provides expiation for sins, thus clearing the way for Pentecost and making the cleansing work of the Spirit possible The implication is that while forgiveness flows directly from Calvary, holiness flows indirectly. The blood of Christ sanctifies the people (Heb. 13:12) medially rather than immediately. Such are the implications of Wood's discussion; they are not stated explicitly by Wood.

It could be argued that a pivotal passage for Wood's entire development is Galatians 4:4, 6. He comments: "Notice the two sendings. He sent his Son into the world to make us children also; and because we became his children, he sent his Spirit to dwell within us so we would feel true affection for God" (p. 25).

This means that history is very important to Wood. God took time to prepare Israel for Christ, and He takes time, and a sequence of events, to lead us from our personal Exodus to our Jordan crossing into the holiness promised.

This book is reminiscent of Joseph's coat of many colors. However, it is not patchwork, but an intricately woven fabric, including hues and shades from psychology, sociology, history, and philosophy, as well as from Biblical history and Biblical theology. In each chapter the author courageously plunges into the startling ramifications of the immediate subject. Hope, for instance, becomes the occasion for exploring two paths, immortality, and the impact of parents in creating(or stifling) in children the capacity to hope.

Interwoven into the fabric along with the Biblical theology motifs are three psychological strands: our personhood is dependent on relationships; our healthy personhood is dependent on healthy relationships; and healthy relationships become normatively possible only in a fulfilling and primary relationship with the indwelling Holy Spirit.

Human relationships began to go awry when Adam and Eve forfeited their relationship with God the Spirit, their communing Friend. All aberrations since have stemmed from this radical 1099. As has already been noted, Wood believes that God's dealings with the human race through Abraham, the nation Israel, the Prophets, and finally His Son, have had the recovery of this lost relationship as their undeviating objective. In every way God has sought to recover His place in human life not only as Lord and Savior, but as personal Friend.

The primacy of the Spirit's fullness in the believer's heart is shown in this book convincingly and very helpfully by bringing under tribute virtually all the disciplines which bear on the nature and welfare of humanity. Wood shows skillfully how even the detractors of Christianity really support his case, Freud, Fromm, Nietzche, Bultmann, Maslow, Jung, and Tillich; and draws on the positive insights of Ferre, Kierkegaard and others. With all of these influential thinkers Wood manifests a competent familiarity. Especially tolling is his expose of the devastating reductionism of Paul Tillich, who robbed Christian theology of its normative supranatural base and psychologized what was left.

However, while all these thinkers are interacted with, this is done incidentally to the main enterprise, which is the presentation of the completing ministry of the Spirit.

In the chapter "The Spirit of Power" the emphasis is on power to be. Wood contrasts the adequacy of the Spirit's power with contemporary illusions of power, including Friedrich Nietzche's "will to power" (p. 112); and the pervasive reliance today on therapeutic self-help mechanisms. Wood shows how Maslow tries to develop fulfillment ("self-actualizers") but cuts away the Biblical foundations by which his goal becomes possible. He says, "Maslow's description of self-fulfillment is a psychological substitute and secular restatement of the Christian meaning of spiritual formation and sanctification" (p. 116).

In the chapter on "The Spirit of Peace" Wood traces modern process theology, as exemplified by Tillich as well as Whitehead, to ancient Stoicism, which is an attempt to find peace by an absorption into a world-spirit which is void of personality. Stoicism, says Wood, "had no personal God and no history of salvation. Consequently it lacked the one intellectually compelling and emotionally satisfying component in Life, the personal dimension"(p. 160). After showing the emptiness of modern theology in its gropings for peace Wood moves deftly to the Scriptures and points out that the "sabbath rest for the people of God" (Heb. 4:9, RSV) is the rest of heart holiness made possible by the gift of a personal Holy Spirit (p. 169).

A recurrent theme advanced again and again in different contexts, is Wood's conviction that satisfactory parent-child relationships are indispensable to the development of normal personhood, including the child's likelihood of being able to sustain happy relationships with others in adult life, including God. At this point the problem is twofold: the problem of arrested spiritual development which inhibits the desire to know God as Father; and the converse problem of prevenient grace in overcoming this psychological roadblock.

A question not out of line is whether the theme of early environment is perhaps overworked. Wood almost lets such persons as Tillich (who had an adversarial relationship with his father), off the hook of personal responsibility for the way they turned out and for the directions of their theologies.

The errata were found by this reviewer to be disconcerting. Also some apparent inconsistencies and contradictions could be pointed out here and there. It can be debated, for instance, whether "trust" and "truth" are synonyms, as Wood seems to be implying (pp. 142ff).

In view of Wood's consistent emphasis on history this reviewer cannot avoid astonishment at his statement (twice, pp. 54, 215) that there is no reason why the two works of grace cannot be received simultaneously. Yet virtually the entire book, in its fundamental arguments and theses, constitutes plenty of "reason." Wood says: "Baptism accompanied with genuine repentance (Easter) precedes the reception of the Holy Spirit (Pentecost)" (p. 51). Again: "We too must make our journey through the history of salvation" (p. 22; see also pp. 18, 45, 150, 151, et al).

Such declarations are far more consistent with the book as a whole than is Wood's apparent hedging by softening the inherent necessity of two works of grace, experienced distinctly. If growth and maturity require a spiritual history, the components of that history can hardly be skipped. If there is an analogical relationship between personal salvation history and Biblical salvation history, then the element of time is as essential for one as the other. Arriving in Canaan cannot be simultaneous with the Exodus, circumcision must be subsequent to birth, the baptism with the Spirit cannot be telescoped into the birth of the Spirit, Pentecost cannot coalesce into Easter. To concede that Spirit baptism and Spirit birth can be compressed into one is to surrender the concept that stages and crises, involving preparation and appropriation, and hence time, are essential to our personal holy history.

In spite of such points of possible debate, this book is a treasure house and is sure to have a useful ministry. It is to be hoped that when reprinted someone will take the trouble to prepare a subject and person index.

Mysticism in the Wesleyan Tradition, by Robert G. Tuttle, Jr., Francis Asbury Press Zondervan Publishing Co. 1989, 204 pages. Reviewed by Wesley D. Tracy, D. Min., S. T. D., Editor, Herald of Holiness, Kansas City, Missouri.

One should not consider himself or herself informed on the matter of Wesley and mysticism until he or she has read Tuttle's careful work Mysticism in the Wesleyan Tradition. The work grows out of his Ph.D. studies but has a maturity and timeliness that Professor Tuttle probably could not have given us in 1970 when he did his dissertation at the University of Bristol.

The book is especially helpful to those who have formed their ideas on this matter from the several essays of D. Dunn Wilson. Tuttle insightfully corrects many of Wilson's assumptions and assertions. He also profitably critiques the work of Wakefield, Workman, Inge, and others who have not lingered long enough over the evidence.

Even the cursory student of Wesley hears a warning tocsin when reading Wesley's invectives against mysticism"set on fire of hell," "wisdom from beneath," "specious snare of the devil," "Satan's fairest device"and then notices that he exalts certain mystics as models for Methodist spirituality. What Tuttle has done for all of us who have groaned over this tension in Wesley, is to sort out for us just what it was that Wesley so despised in mysticism and what it was that became a permanent part of his devotion.

What Wesley damned in mysticism was the reversed ordo salutis (sanctification before justification), salvation by works, frequently expressed in the "dark night of the soul" notion, the neglect of the means of grace, the subjectivism of the inner light that led each mystic to create his own "way" with suprascriptural guidance direct from God, the refinement of religion which required a desert solitude rather than active service. These become for Tuttle the dross which Wesley rejected.

Perhaps Tuttle does not adequately deal with another "dross" item in the mystics which Wesley was always having to disclaim. I refer to the idea of self-annihilation so strongly presented even in the edited works of Fenelon, Bourignon, Molinos, and a Kempis. Wesley found himself explaining again and again that this teaching was to be rejected. It was part of the "poison" of which Wesley warned in his various prefaces to mystical works. The modern Holiness Movement has suffered to no small degree by lack of precise guidance on this matter. Wesley's insights on this subject are indeed helpful. Tuttle refers to one or two of Wesley's disclaimers on this subject, but treats them briefly as part of another argument.

Some readers may get nervous at the way Tuttle constructs his argument for affirming the strong influence which the mystics had on Wesley. He appears to demonstrate a behaviorist methodology. He constructs a strong cause and effect structure which assumes that exposure equals influence almost to point of loss of freedom for the subject, Mr. Wesley. It sometimes appears that Wesley's escape from the bewitchment of the mystics had nothing to do with generative activity on his part, but entirely depended upon the "environment." We hear repeatedly of Wesley being "drawn" or "driven" to certain conclusions; Aldersgate, for example, was "inevitable." Wesley's spiritual development and the creation of his spiritual theology seem to be poured like water into prefabricated sluices which empty into a predetermined pool. Sometimes the logical connections are tenuous, held together lightly in the manner of an orator who employs enthymemes rather than complete syllogisms. On first reading, I thought this was the case. However, upon reflection, I believe that it is more helpful to say that Tuttle was actually trying to get "inside" Wesley and describe the processes as Wesley must have experienced them. Therefore, on this point I offer only a caution, not an objection.

As to Tuttle's hypothesis, which is declared after 126 pages of inductive setup, I think he goes too far. He says that Wesley's spiritual theology is a more or less minor revision of the five rungs in the mystical ladder of ascent (awakening, purgation, illumination, dark night of the soul perfection). Wesley kept the tools of the first three stages and preserved the fifth, perfection, as the end of religion, according to Tuttle. For the fourth stage Wesley made a revolutionary substitution. His new rung was the Reformed doctrine of justification by faith, which replaced the notion that the dark night of the soul produced justification. Tuttle attempts to show that all four are kept in place with a mere substitution being made for stage four. But this is problematic.

I have no quarrel with Tuttle concerning the first three stages, although, as Tuttle admits, it is sometimes hard to tell whether one is comparing Wesley's theory of devotion to the mystics or to Christianity in general. I agree that Wesley's main break with mysticism came at the point of atonement theory, grace, faith, Christocentricity, rather than works-oriented theocentricity. But since it is a matter of atonement, then perfection or sanctification is not treated significantly enough by Tuttle's hypothesis. Wesley's new idea of Christian perfection was as contradictory to mystic belief as was his Reformed doctrine of justification, in my judgment.

On this point Tuttle pertinaciously pursues his hypothesis, drawing parallels and enhancing affinities between Wesley's doctrine of perfection and that of the mystics. And there are a number of affinities to correlate. Nevertheless, in assiduously supporting his need to show that Wesley kept the mystic idea of perfection, Tuttle repeatedly minimizes some of Wesley's distinctives, particularly the idea of instantaneous sanctification. Here Tuttle makes such statements as "Wesley sometimes spoke of instantaneous sanctification" (p. 146), and "he still apparently holds to the idea that sanctification . . . is (or at least can be) instantaneous." Such statements are curious in the light of the straightforward declarations of instantaneous sanctification in all the editions of the Plain Account of Christian Perfection.

If one reads on in this chapter, however, it is discovered that Tuttle does concede the differences between Wesley and the mystics, admitting that the similarities are in general rather than in specifics. Both Wesley and the mystics believed in perfection, he concedes, and that is "about as far as one can go" (p. 152). The differences go beyond method and means and include the differences between Wesley and the mystics on the matter of "human depravity and the futility of the mystic 'way of purgation' as an ascent to God by . . . self-purification and personal growth in inward holiness (p. 152)." in the end, Tuttle's disposition of the matter is satisfactory.

Tuttle's closing chapter, "Issues Relevant to the Contemporary Scene," is important to the book and to Tuttle's idea that true Wesleyan mysticism is a "mysticism of service." Here he deals briefly, too briefly, with current mystic dross in the teachings of Sun Myung Moon, the New Age Movement and"pop" mysticism.

In sum, this book is, to use a well-worn Wesleyan phrase, a work "long to he remembered."

Religion and the Radical Republican Movement, 1860-1870 by Victor B. Howard. Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1990. x, 297 pps. Reviewed by David Bundy, Assoc. Prof. of Christian Origin, Asbury Theological Seminary, Wilmore, Kentucky.

This volume examines the interaction between church and state during the decade of the American Civil War, focusing on the influence of the church upon the developments which led up to the war, the course of the war and the structures of Reconstruction. The emphasis is on the practitioners of "radical religion," that group of persons who believed that slavery was morally wrong, that society had a responsibility to eradicate slavery, and that African-Americans who had been held in servitude should be totally enfranchised. This included Wesleyan Methodists, Presbyterians, Evangelical Lutherans (Franckean Pietists), Progressive Friends, Seventh Day Baptists, certain members of the Methodist Episcopal Church and, especially, the Congregationalists. Free Methodist conference decisions are occasionally mentioned, but since the primary Free Methodist organizational motivation was anti-Masonic, their entrance to the slavery discussion was quite late. Howard argues that "the radical Christians significantly affected the course of the Civil War and Reconstruction and greatly influenced the men of principle (p. 6)."

Howard picks up the story of the interaction between "radical religion" or "revivalism" where the work of Timothy Smith [Revivalism and Social Reform: American Protestantism on the Eve of the Civil War (New York: Abingdon, 1957)], which astonishingly he does not mention, leaves off. The narrative introduces dozens of ordinary folk from various churches, social classes and backgrounds, albeit heavily northern and lower middle class (small landowners), who were united by their belief that slavery was a sin against God, and that apocalyptic means were required to bring the awful institution to an end and purify the nation to avoid punishment by God as experienced by the Biblical Israel The political structure with which they cast their lot was the Republican Party of the period. They also gained control of their denominations and the communication structures (primarily periodicals). Howard suggests that the Methodist Episcopal Church (North) publications were the most effective in the effort. By the end of the war, all denominations except the Episcopalian and Roman Catholic Churches had, under the influence of the "Radicals," taken a stand against slavery.

The "Radicals" supported Lincoln, but after the election of 1860 grew increasingly frustrated at his compromises with the conservatives, especially after Lincoln announced acceptance of the repatriation idea and refused to endorse Emancipation. The political, military and ethical advantages of Emancipation were argued forcefully by evangelical clergymen. When Lincoln undermined the emancipation decree promulgated by General John Fremont in Missouri, "Radicals" mobilized support for antislavery candidates. Their victories in the 1862 election made the Emancipation Proclamation politically expedient and inevitable.

The next stage was to work for the complete abolition of slavery, in the North as well as in the South. Once again Lincoln's commitment was less than firm, and so "Radicals" lent early support to the 1864 presidential candidacy of Salmon P. Chase, who withdrew after Lincoln made concessions to the "Radicals." The 1864 election was, Howard argues, a referendum on the war and emancipation, and it was the "Radicals" who kept the issues alive and central in the public mind. It was due to "Radical" pressure that the 14th Amendment to the constitution was rapidly ratified.

As the military victory became but a matter of time, attention was turned to the nature of postwar reconstruction. The "Radicals" were afraid that the southern governments would institutionalize discrimination as had some northern states. They argued for nothing less than a complete restructuring of southern political and social life. The radical American Missionary Association worked to overturn "Black Laws" in Illinois and Ohio and prepared to send missionaries to the south to work with African-Americans after the war. The focus of dissension became Black Suffrage, the conferring of which the "Radicals" viewed as a moral duty. A "Freedman's Bureau," designed to aid newly freed slaves, was conceptualized, accepted by Congress and vetoed by President Andrew Johnson. Congress overrode the veto and once again the "Radicals" mobilized, this time for the 1866 elections, in which "Presidential Reconstruction" was repudiated and after which Johnson narrowly avoided impeachment.

Out of this election came the call for the 15th Amendment to the Constitution calling for total enfranchisement of African Americans. At the point of arguing for civil rights, the "Radicals" came into difficulty with their own denominations and the Republicans lost popular support and elections in the North. The Northern populace both church adherents and non-churched, were quite happy that the slaves should be freed, but were generally opposed to giving them full civil rights, primarily for fear of possible economic and social consequences. The issues became clearly defined in the struggles over the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution. The "Radicals" wanted a strongly worded guarantee of the rights of all persons, irrespective of race. Interestingly, fearing that this issue would become linked with the then politically deadly issue of the enfranchisement of women, some "Radicals" actually worked against the former cause However, it was primarily the development of increasingly overt racism in the Northeast and Old Northwest (the territory north of the Ohio River) and losses in several key elections which caused the Republicans to adopt an ambiguously worded statement, which was ratified with difficulty. The fears of the "Radicals" that the amendment allowed bases for denying civil rights to African Americans proved well-founded.

Howard's analysis is helpful at several points. It clarifies, in detail, the positions taken by evangelical Christians and their allies during the decade. It does so by examining for the first time a wide range of primary sources (archival, periodicals, report literature) and interpreting them in the context of American political and social history. He is the first to have thus used, for example, Wesleyan/Holiness sources as primary to understanding a crucial period of American history. The work also has implications beyond its own scope. Their secular political failure was but the first step in the disorganization of the "Radicals." Those who argued for combining radical social reform and radical piety would lose power even in their own denominations. This was most acute during the decade of the 1880's. The shift was most pronounced in the Methodist Episcopal Church The phenomenon, often called embourgeoisment, saw a significant shift in power from the"Radicals" to the nouveau riche of the urban North who had made their fortunes on the war.

This would eventually lead to the Methodist disenfranchisement of both the WCTU and Holiness constituencies. It is against this backdrop that the development of the National Association for the Promotion of Holiness (National Campmeeting Association) and the experience of Missionary Bishop William Taylor must be understood. However, the Radicals within the Methodist Episcopal Church were not the only group to lose influence. The same also happened within the Free Methodist Church where for instance, B. T. Roberts was prematurely elevated to a figurehead position and his paper, The Earnest Christian, considered too radical, was pushed to the periphery by a decision to publish an "official" denominational paper. The Pietist Lutherans also were removed from power and the "Franckean" tradition died in American Lutheranism.

There are a number of issues which still need to be addressed. How, for example, did the coordination (networking) of political and ideological efforts occur? Who was leading and shaping the "Radical" consensus? How did the "Radicals" relate to and cooperate with non-religious reformers? Why, if as Howard asserts (p. 213) the influence of the churches on politics was more powerful after the war than before, did the "Radicals" cease to argue (or be heard?) for Civil Rights, especially when it was widely agreed that the 15th Amendment was inadequate? Finally, it is indeed unfortunate that Howard does not discuss the significance of his work for American political and religious historiography. The volume deserved a conclusion rather than an "Epilogue."

To suggest these questions are still to be answered is not intended to detract from Howard's achievement. The extensively documented volume will be a benchmark study of American religion and social structures.

Edited by Michael Mattei for the
Wesley Center for Applied Theology
at Northwest Nazarene University
© Copyright 2000 by the Wesley Center for Applied Theology

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