THE WESLEYAN QUADRILATERAL IN THE AMERICAN HOLINESS TRADITION
Leon Hynson
I. Introduction
The task at hand is the assessment of the place of
Scripture, reason, experience and tradition in the American Holiness tradition.
That movement represents the societies and sects
which emerged from Methodism in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. For this
particular study, limited attention is given to the National Association for the Promotion
of Holiness. The focus turns more toward the popular preaching of some of the early
spokesmen for the Pilgrim Holiness Church and the Church of the Nazarene, (c.1900-1920). A
brief analysis of systematic theology takes place at the close of the paper. You will note
that some subjective elements are found in the analysis.
In researching this essay, the preliminary
assumption has been that Scripture possesses a normative place in the movement, and that
experience, reason, and tradition possess relative weight. It is assumed that Scripture
brings experience, for example, under its regulative influence; while experience
replicates the Biblical standards of spirituality and ethics. What of reason and
tradition? Were they servants of the scriptural message? Did they bring any balance to
what was often a limited hermeneutic? Does reason play any significant part in the
movement, since a sturdy strand of anti intellectualism existed in its formative stages?
The Holiness tradition would achieve a
self-conscious autonomy in the holiness revival in Methodism following the Civil War. It
did not surrender the classical foundations of Wesleyanism, but its specialized intentions
seem to have led it to shape Wesley's perspective toward a more experiential focus. This
is apparent, I believe, in the manner in which Pentecost was interpreted, stressing the
personal experience of Pentecost to the neglect of the corporate (or community) dimension
of the event.
II. In Search of Authority in the Holiness
Movement
What may we hypothesize regarding the quadrilateral
in the American Holiness tradition? First. it is claimed that the essential ingredients of
the quadrilateral may be found in the theology and preaching of the tradition, but lacking
the balance of Wesley, especially in its preaching. Preaching, more than systematic
theology, would dominate the movement and set forth the lines of its authority. The
preaching would build squarely upon Biblical grounds, developing an experiential accent.
Scripture would be assumed as the revelatory norm by which experience is authenticated.
Even when experience was regarded as so important, it was acknowledged that experience
must square with revelation. Because the interpretive center was consistently the doctrine
of holiness, the experiential focus was the experience of entire sanctification.
Second, Scripture questions are developed less in
terms of its full authority than by the hermeneutic of holiness. Thus, Jesse T. Peck's
classic The Central Idea of Christianity became one of its key sources. (As Luther
developed a hermeneutic of justification1, the Holiness people developed a hermeneutic of
holiness.)
Thirdly, experience was to assume powerful
proportions. Although the theology of the movement developed some years later never raised
experience above Scripture, in practice this sometimes took place in earlier days.
Experience was largely defined and informed by pneumatological emphases. Pentecost, the
inauguration of the Christian church, became the norm for measuring the authenticity and
completeness of the Christian life. The apostolic question to the disciples of Ephesus,
"Have ye received the Holy Ghost since ye believed?" (Acts 19:2), was
interpreted as the description of a two stage reception of God's grace. It would be a
personal, identifiable experience: "Your Pentecost," "My Pentecost."
In the experience of regeneration, the Spirit is "with you" and in Pentecostal
experience "in you." This Pentecostal dimension was to take the holiness
tradition beyond Wesley's position on Pentecost, as seen in his Notes on the New
Testament.2
Fourth, tradition was embodied in an ethos of
separation and the experience of the pilgrim, remnant community. In the early years of my
life, we perceived ourselves as strangers and pilgrims in the world. We sang the Lord's
songs in a strange land, songs like:
I'm going through, I 'm going through,
I'll pay the price whatever others do,
I'll take the way with the Lord 's despised few,
I'm going through, Jesus, I 'm going through.
Our consciousness raising led us to transvaluate "despised few" to
"chosen few," but still there were "few."
Tradition was perpetuated through the specialized
ritual of conversion and the baptism of the Spirit, which involved "praying
through," and achieving certainty through the Spirit's witness. The matrix was
revival, a regular schedule in spring and fall, with summer camp meetings. There were
class meetings for hearing the testimonies of the saints. Even though these differed from
Wesley's classes, the function of witness and mutual support remained. Those whose
spiritual life was flagging might feel a certain persuasion to "lift up the hands
that hang down." At times, the testimonies were perfunctory, and the class leader a
spiritual whip (as in the Congress,) but the witnesses were seldom insincere.
Their traditions were formed by a reading of the
history of Israel; from Sinai and Zion, the Red Sea and the Jordan River, wilderness and
promised land, Egypt and Canaan. As these spoke of great moments in the past, they also
described present experiences of believers. The Red Sea was the way from bondage, but not
the full deliverance. First there was the wilderness, then the passage into Canaan. The
holiness movement would develop this pattern or typology into a fine art. What saved it
from serious aberration was the restraint imposed upon it by the larger scriptural
teaching. The call to holiness was simply and beautifully illustrated by the stories,
events, and places of Scripture. The typological motif is evident in many of the hymns,
songs, and sermons.
H. J. Zelley wrote "He Rolled the
Sea A way " reflecting the crossing of the Red Sea as the analogy of deliverance from
sin, sorrow, and as a prayer for grace to die:
When Israel out of bondage came,
A sea before them lay;
The Lord reached down His mighty hand
And rolled the sea away.
And when I reach the sea of death,
For needed grace I'll pray;
I know the Lord will quickly come
And roll the sea away.
Or, M. J. Harris (c. 1908)
I long ago left Egypt, for the promised land,
I trusted in my Savior, and to his guiding hand,
He led me out to victory, through the great red sea
I sang a song of triumph, and shouted I am free.
The next stanzas show the progress from Egypt to
Canaan to heaven, and the chorus follows:
You need not look for
me, down in Egypt's sand
For I have pitched my tent, far up in Beulah land.
Fifth, the Scripture's call to maturity, to fullness
and wholeness was developed by a consistent logic of faith. The holiness people reasoned
from Scripture and experience. Their logic was similar to the "practical
syllogism" which asserts the validity of personal faith on the evidence of a
manifestly changed life, or the fruits of faith. So, if the "rushing, mighty
wind" is the stuff of my personal experience, it might be reasoned that my experience
corresponds to Scripture. But this is a rational argument, an inference which builds upon
Scripture and experience but which was not simply Scripture or experience. Theirs was a
reasoned faith, as logical to them as the inerrancy argument was to fundamentalism.
A. Scripture in the Holiness Tradition
When we consider the living witness of this segment
of the Wesleyan heritage we recognize the authority and inspiration of Scripture to be an
unquestioned assumption. The hermeneutical issue in preaching and teaching is of central
importance. The hermeneutic of holiness becomes the rule for interpreting Scripture. What
does the Bible teach about holiness of heart and life? To discover this, the Scriptures
were frequently typologized. Geography, topography, ethos, nations, societies, and cities
acquired a significance sometimes hidden beneath the surface of the obvious meaning. Some
in the movement displayed an affinity for allegorism. In a sermon preached at my parish
thirty-three years ago, an evangelist turned the wedding feast at Cana of Galilee into the
festivities of Christian experience. The best wine kept until the last was descriptive of
the exhilarating wine of spiritual vitality, the second grace of sanctification. Dr. W. B.
Godbey, on the other hand, developed the message through more careful study of the Greek
text, with a steadfast interest in the holiness message.
The diversity of the hermeneutic of holiness almost
defies categorization. Much was anecdotal with Scripture developed according to a view of
the chronological priority of regeneration, and the soteriological priority of
sanctification. Scripture passages which gave content to the sequence of salvation were
cited. Matthew 11:28-30 is an example of two kinds of rest: rest for the weary; rest for
those yoked to Christ. Holiness was found in the "whole tenor of scripture." As
Harold Greenlee pointed out in 1963, the truth rested on the "whole message of the
Bible.''3
The contrasts between the lifestyles in Egypt and
Canaan became important. The Exodus was a departure from the old ways, hence salvation,
while crossing the Jordan was an entrance, the life of victory in holiness. Holiness is a
highway through the wilderness (Isaiah 35).
No one gave voice to the centrality of holiness in
Scripture more than Martin Wells Knapp, a founder of the Pilgrim Holiness Church. His
Pearls From Patmos 4 interprets the book of Revelation consistently as a book about
holiness. The "silence in heaven" passage, e.g., (Rev. 8:1) is heaven's watch of
the outcome of holiness in the world. Holiness for Knapp is not simply the center of
Scripture, it is the circumference.
Holiness is more likely to be interpreted in terms
of categories of the Spirit and Pentecost, than of the Son and Calvary or the
resurrection.
Phineas Bresee, founder of the Church of the
Nazarene, eloquently pursued this track. Pentecost Sunday, May 31, 1903 was the occasion
for affirming the coming of the Spirit:
We celebrate the date when the Incarnation dawned .
. . We remember with holy reverence the day He suffered. We live it over on Good Friday,
amid shadows and tears. The Easter Day that marks His coming forth from the grave is . . .
beyond expression.
But all of these go before and pave the way for the
Pentecost . . . But for the coming of the Holy Ghost, all else were lost. Jesus came,
suffered, died, and rose from the dead that the Holy Ghost might come, and He makes
effective and glorious Christ's coming and ministry. But for the coming of the Holy Ghost,
all that went before would have disappeared.5
In a sermon based on Philippians 3, Bresee affirms that "The power of the
resurrection of Jesus is the baptism of the Holy Ghost . . . The Evidence, the manifest
power of the Resurrection, is the baptism with the Holy Ghost."6
E. A. Girvin, biographer of Bresee, and friend for
more than twenty-five years, drew upon his close association with Bresee. Speaking of his
love for the Bible, Girvin wrote:
He realized that in the holy Scriptures are
contained and presented the vital, inspired truths, . . . that these living truths are
absolutely needful to every degree of spiritual life, growth, and activity; . . . And yet
he insisted that the truth was like the wire which is the conduit of the mysterious and
mighty electric current and that as the wire without the current was dead, the truth
without the very life and personality of God was inert and powerless . . . He declared
that it was possible to proclaim the truth . . . entirely disassociated from the Holy
Spirit, and utterly valueless as a means of grace; [or] . . . overflowing with the divine
nature and energy . . .7
Girvin here is making the point so clearly spelled out later by Wiley concerning the
internal testimony of the Spirit. Bresee felt his "especial divine call was to
experience, preach, and push holiness in life and doctrine . . . He was in favor of every
belief that would melt into holiness . . ."8
B. Reason
The place of reason in the holiness tradition may be
discerned by following the line of criticism in which the reasoned approach to faith is
muted. Attention is placed on "heart" religion while the sharpening of reason
through the educational process received a qualified endorsement: "Important,
but." "But" not the answer to spiritual hunger. "But" not
adequate to achieve the ends of faith. Occasionally, the line of critique achieves the
deepest suspicion of reason and the processes enhancing careful analysis of Christian
faith. The theological "cemeteries," the educated fools, or the ridicule of
academic degrees, all represent this line of attack. While this describes an earlier
polemic in the movement, the fear of intellectual pursuits does not die easily.
More gently, others placed the priority of faith
over reason by the proper reminder that reason may never bring the certitude which
experienced faith provides. George B. Kulp, a General Superintendent of the Pilgrim
Holiness Church (in which I was reared and found faith) wrote:
Only as I stand before the Word of God can I
understand the mysteries that come into our lives. Reason fails me; rationalism explains
nothing to the satisfaction of my soul. But I look over the past and I see the Second
Person of the Godhead [this as you know is a formula built from the rational reflections
of the church at Nicaea and Constantinople]-the Jehovah-step out of the Council chambers
of eternity and declare, 'Lo, I come . . . to do thy will, O God.9
Nevertheless, Kulp also allowed for natural revelation: "You can see God not only
in nature, in history, and in His providences, but . . . in His Word. I believe that an
unsaved man with ordinary common sense, and intelligence can see God in His Word."10
Kulp affirmed the importance of "apostolic practice, prayer, faith, staying on your
knees until KNEEOLOGY, rather than so much theology."11
Martin Wells Knapp, a Methodist Episcopal pastor who
became a founder (with Seth Cook Rees) of the Pilgrim Holiness Church (actually of the
International Holiness Union and Prayer League-1897) spoke of a "head
sanctification" or a "theological sanctification" which creates zealots.
Deeper down, there is a sanctification of the knees. A genuine, full-fledged case of
entire sanctification clarifies the head, purifies and fills the heart, controls the
pocket [wallet] and fully consecrates the knees."12 That's holistic sanctification!
C. Experience
In developing the focus on experience in the essay,
one may recognize a diversity of streams. In the commentary of George Hughes regarding the
National Camp meetings, the experiential focus is strong. Sometimes Scripture virtually
takes a secondary place in practice although certain Scriptural emphases are woven
compellingly into the experiential focus. The epoch of Pentecost, set forth in Acts 2, is
central. Pentecost becomes the central scriptural event of the movement; the central focus
of the tradition.
Reason is subordinated to pneumatological counsels.
In essence, there is a tendency toward the subjectivity which prevails in overbalanced
pneumatology13 When this imbalance occurs, the objectivity of
Christologyincarnation, death, resurrectionis submerged in the subjectivity of
the wind of God. Daniel Steele's view that "An experience is worth a thousand
theories"14 is the central thesis of his chapter on "testimony" in Love
Enthroned As the patient who has been healed best authenticates that healing, se the
person cleansed from sin is the best witness to Christian perfection. "Experience is
one of the chief elements of evangelical power."15 Steele, the self designated
"coolest and least demonstrative man in the Methodist Episcopal Church"16 set
forth his experience in terms of freedom and joy in the Holy Spirit.
Charles Fowler describes an (his own?) experience of
a ministerial student, who sought to convince a skeptical roommate that Christianity is
proved by experience. When the Christian learned about the promise of Pentecost, he was
hesitant to accept it. The skeptic stated: "Charlie, is it not to be tested by
experience? Is not this a matter of knowledge?"17
The focus on experience is so evident in some of the
literature as to be overwhelming. It is illustrated in George Hughes' commentary on the
second National Camp Meeting at Manheim, Pennsylvania (1868):
Rev. Alfred Cookman . . . had purposed preaching on
a certain text; but it had vanished, and he was left without text or sermon. The Master
had him in hand and knew what to do with him. He moved out on the line of testimony . . .
He dwelt upon the work of the Holy Ghost the definite work of entire sanctification, and
related how he had been led into the holiest.
Hughes described the Pentecostal content of the experience and the occasion:
Nothing short of a PENTECOST was commensurate with
the occasion. It came! Oh, how the glory waves swept over the ground. It was as if the
flood-gates had been suddenly uplifted and down rolled the ocean surges.18
The motif of dynamism, crisis, unleashed and uncontrolled power, prevailed in much of
the early days of the holiness movement, especially in the work at Cincinnati under Martin
Wells Knapp, and God's Bible School, and the weekly paper God 's Revivalist, which
advertised "God, Whom we serve" as its proprietor and M. W. Knapp as editor. It
was Pentecostal through and through, with the focus on getting the experience, and getting
it "shockingly" so as to leave no question.
Knapp and others authored the series Electric
Shocks from Pentecostal Batteries. Knapp's book Lightning Bolts from Pentecostal
Skies contained thirteen chapters: The Pentecostal Baptism, Pentecostal
Sanctification, Pentecostal Homes, Pentecostal Giving, Pentecostal Revivals, and more.
Among the so-called "striking illustrations" was one titled "Struck by
Lightning." Another book was Revival Tornadoes. A. M. Hills wrote Pentecostal
Light and Seth C. Rees, The Pentecostal Church. Wm. B. Godbey's prayer opening
the 1901 camp meeting at Salvation Park (Cincinnati), invoked the deity generally, and the
Holy Spirit particularly, but did not name the name of Jesus as a specific source of
divine help. In his sermon, the balance was better. Godbey declares, "The Holy Ghost
crowns Jesus in your hearts."19 One long time observer of the movement describes
another veteran's response to the Christological focus of his preaching: "Anyone can
preach about Jesus. We need preaching about the Holy Ghost."20
D. Tradition
The influences which shaped the movement: the
Scriptures accepted confidently; the special concern for experiences; the focus on
Pentecost and the sanctifying Spirit; the hermeneutic of holiness, were reflected in a
tradition of revivalism and an ethos of separation. In the early stages of the Pilgrim
Holiness Church, the work of Knapp, Godbey, Rees, and others at Cincinnati, was
characterized by a search for a better past. Some were convinced even then that the former
years were more glorious, and that their fervor was diminished and often lost.22 This was
Charles Fowler's position. President of the National Association for the Promotion of
Holiness, Fowler's book Back to Pentecost queried: "Why back? Because we have gotten
away from Pentecost . . . We mean by Pentecost what the New Testament means by it-what
Methodism has always meant by it . . . ENTIRE SANCTIFICATION."23
That zeal for former glory continued to shape much
of the movement through the years of World War I and the Great Depression. The quest for
past glories was elusive as it always is. The Pilgrims evidently perceived the problems in
terms of cultural intrusion. The answer was a decisive separation from the world expressed
through an ethos which incorporated modesty of dress, avoidance of the world in such areas
as movies or jewelry, and a sense of alienation and even persecution.24 Sometimes the
structured symbols of separation became the substance. The core of their faith could
become law and letter rather than love. Love, for a minority of these folk, could be
scorned as the expression of tolerance or compromise. Extremes of course only illustrate
the contrasts between good sense and fanaticism.
It is wrong to deny the validity of the movement's
quest for an authentic world-denying piety. The symbols of that piety were acquired
through sacrifice. It is never easy to reject one's own culture. Nevertheless, these
symbols, honestly raised as the objective expression of these Christians' integrity, at
times became the reality.
Revivalism became the dominant note or mark of the
holiness movement. In camp meetings across the country (Denton, Maryland camp began in
1898) and in regular revival meetings, the word was hurled forth to win the sinners, to
lead the saved into sanctification, and generally to revive the saints. The Psalmist's
plea: "Will you not revive us again?" (Psalm 85:6) was repeated in the gospel
song "Revive Us Again":
We praise Thee, O God, for the Son of Thy Love
For Jesus who died and is now gone above
Hallelujah, Thine the Glory
Hallelujah, Amen!
Hallelujah, Thine the Glory
Revive Us Again! We praise Thee, O God, for Thy
Spirit of Light
Who has shown us our Savior and scattered our night.
The revival was a structured event. The pattern of revival was the planned gathering,
which would be surrounded and saturated by prayer and fasting, until the meeting reached a
crescendo, a "break." Then sinners would surrender. The psychology of revival
might evoke the stand off. Who would prevail? The preacher as God's representative, or the
souls who were resisting Christ?
In time the revival became tradition, planned as
part of the church year, but sometimes only a meeting, not a revival.
III. The Systematic Analysis
It may be claimed that the systematic theologians of
the church reflect (even as they correct) the faith and life of the collective experience
of the people of God. Of course, systems makers influence the thought and life of the
church and at best, they express the Church's witness. If not, they serve themselves and
not the Church. Having reviewed aspects of the Church's life of witnessing in preaching,
singing, and testimony, we need to assess the subsequent perspective of theologians in the
holiness movement. How did the theologies sum up the Church's experience?
H. Orton Wiley, a Nazarene and the movement's prime
theologian, draws upon Samuel Harris Dwight, Professor of Systematic Theology at Yale,
1871-96, a Reformed theologian to develop the quadrilateral. Initially, he developed a
trilateral. Three elements are perceived to contribute to our knowledge of God, the
experiential, the historical, and the rational. Wiley states, "Each of these must
test, correct, and restrain the others, and at the same time clarify, verify, and
supplement them." This may result in a synthesis. However, the synthesis "can be
attained only through the medium of historical revelation."25 The objective testimony
of Scripture is vitalized by the inner witness of the Spirit. Wiley has thus stated the
essentially Wesleyan quadrilateral. Elsewhere, Wiley spells out the relationship of faith
and reason by placing faith in the primary place and reason, secondary.26
Wiley further directs attention to the credentials
of revelation miracles, prophecy, the unique personality of Christ, and the witness of the
Holy Spirit.27 In Willie's view of Scripture, concern is expressed for both the written
and living word. The same Spirit who indwell Christ the Living Word, inspires the written
word, so that the Word is continually enlivened and fresh.
The Reformers themselves strove earnestly to
maintain the balance between the formal and the material principles of salvation, the Word
and faith, but gradually . . . men began unconsciously to substitute the written Word for
Christ the Living Word. They divorced the written word from the Personal Word. . . . No
longer was it the fresh utterance of Christ, the outflow of the Spirit's presence but
merely a recorded utterance which bound men by legal rather than spiritual bonds.28
The focus of Nazarene theologian, W. T. Purchaser's Exploring Our Christian Faith
seems to express a more scholastic view of Scripture:
The importance of the inner testimony of the Spirit
to the truth of Scripture must not be obscured. But it must be balanced by a recognition
of the inherent authority of the Bible.29
Once stated, however, the rest of Purchaser's analysis centers on the formal issue of
authority. His special interest rests in the "Christological analogy" of
Scripture, that is, the balance of divine and human elements in Scripture. This union of
the transcendent and the incarnation deserves our appreciation.
Nazarene, A. M. Hills' position represents a
different trend. Born and raised in a Congregational home, educated at Overlain and Yale,
Hills states that his earliest reading of theology came from "strongly
Calvinistic" sources. He encountered Wesleyan thought after some years of ministry in
his first pastorate. In reading his Fundamental Christian Theology (1931, abridged
in 1932), his debt to Reformed thought, especially Charles Hedge's Systematic Theology
emerged. He evinces substantial dependence on John Miley's mediating theology; and draws
from Richard Watson, the British systematician whose theology shaped the lines of much
Wesleyan theology in the nineteenth century. Both Miley and Watson are criticized by
Robert Chiles who claims that they
ground the authority of the Christian faith in its
relation to a rationally verified reality external to itself; methodologically, they are
more concerned with the evidence for revelation than they are with revelation itself.30
Hodge was the gifted representative of the Princeton theology, "a highly
intellectualized tradition that understood faith in a largely doctrinal sense,"
writes Donald Dayton.31
Hills insists initially that "Reason is not an
Independent and Adequate source of theology," but develops guidelines by which to
judge the credibility of revelation. Reason must judge the evidence of a revelation, he
suggests, leading us to the impression that criteria separate from revelation may be used
to evaluate Scripture, and to declare Scripture to be deficient (or incredible).32
Paul Bassett's assessment of Hills' view of
Scripture in his W.T.S. paper given in 1977, traces the fundamentalist lines of Hill's
theology of revelation. Bassett writes:
There is not one word of the continuing work of the
Holy Spirit in revelation, i.e., the testimonium Spiritus sancti, nor one word of
Jesus Christ . . . in the 65 pages Hills expends on the topic of revelation.33
Hills' position depends primarily upon Charles Hodge34 and Richard Watson. He makes
these points:
- Reason is presupposed in revelation, which is only
communicated to the thinking mind. (The affective domain as receiver of revelation is not
indicated.)
- Reason must judge the credibility of a revelation.
Only the impossible is incredible. Reason must decide whether something is impossible. It
is, for example, impossible for God to do anything morally wrong. (Is this a normative
theological judgment based on revelation, not reason?)
- Reason must judge of the evidence of a revelation.
"Faith without evidence is either irrational or impossible." "Faith is an
intelligent reception of truth on adequate grounds."
- Reason affirms that the highest certainty of
religious truth is profoundly important. Human speculation cannot meet the needs of man.
On the a priori ground of a personal God (for Hills the existence of God is "an
immediate datum or intuitive truth of the reason.") "reason decides that
revelation is rationally probable."
- Reason decides that the truth the world needs cannot
be had apart from revelation. "Human thought shows that apart from the Bible, there
has never been certain knowledge about God Therefore revelation is a rational
probability."
- Reason declares that God's revelation must be
attested by miracles, the "proof that a declared revelation is really from
God."35
In summary, Hill's position represents a tilt to rationalism in several ways.
First, the evidential aspect of miracle. Does
miracle become another standard of authority? Second, reason has a role in determining
whether a revelation is credible. What constraints are placed upon reason to ensure that
it will recognize, and not reject, revelation?
Hills also claims more for reason than he delivers,
when he suggests on rational grounds what is really a revelational conclusion. That God
cannot approve the morally wrong must be a revelational, not a rational claim.
W. T. Purkiser makes the suggestion that "faith
and reason, belief and understanding are two halves of a complete whole."36 Reason
assembles evidence, from which are derived inferences and understanding to undergird
faith. In the absence of such evidence, faith may be judged as mere imagination.
Purkiser is impressed with the discoveries of
reason. Hear his comment of the relation between faith and understanding:
Faith is the pioneer explorer; understanding is the
homesteader and settler. Belief is the necessary early stage of knowledge. Knowledge is
belief for which objective evidence has accumulated to a sufficient degree to bring about
general acceptance.37
Purkiser stresses the inspiration of the record of Scripture:
The Holy Spirit has provided an accurate and true
record and interpretation of His redemptive act in Christ set down in documentary form by
"holy men of God! "38
That is standard evangelicalism. Compared to Hills and Wiley, Purchaser's position
seems to be moderating, but Willie's emphasis is less scholastic, more dynamic. I
V. The Quadrilateral in Practice
In the Holiness movement, does Scripture represent
the center of authority, with experience, reason, and tradition on the circumference? What
is the actual relationship between these criteria of religious knowledge and authority?
The conclusion here is that the movement's central
affirmations are clearly scriptural, while experience assumes major import. At the heart
of the heritage, in its earlier years, especially, the story of Pentecost assumes powerful
influence. Pentecost is a Biblical event with significant experiential implications.
However, for the movement to interpret Pentecost mainly (but not solely, I must add), in
terms of personal experience, is to reshape the witness of Luke and Paul. Lacking the
understanding of the Church as koinonia, the churches developed a more individualist view
of church life. May this partly explain the struggle to achieve unity in the movement?
Did the movement develop its understanding of the
normative place of Scripture, with a thorough hermeneutic for testing experience? It is my
opinion that Scripture was too narrowly focused by the hermeneutic of holiness to test
experience, tradition, reason. In some early preaching, experience became virtually
self-authenticating. Occasionally, this meant some exotic forms of expressing the joy and
enthusiasm some of the people experienced. However, that was the exception. The larger
development of the ethical dimensions of holiness led to a general balance here.
Sometimes the early movement was tilted toward
sanctification at the expense of justification. Immediacy was stressed over development.
The experience orientation could lead some in the movement away from a clear emphasis on
trusting faith to a focus on emotion. (Emotion of course, is an aspect of experience.) In
the strong introspection fostered by the revivals and teaching, the movement could be more
Catholic than Protestant.
The place of tradition in the movement represents an
attempt to legitimate the promise of Scripture and the experiential dimension, through a
formal matrix. The movement focused on crisis experience and sought forms for realizing
such experience. One recognizes crisis language ("Pentecostal lightning"),
crisis rituals like altar calls, praying through, "dying out," and more.
Attempts to accredit reason in the whole mix were
often weak. Heart religion was superior to head religion. In the earlier work of Martin
Wells Knapp, On Impressions, there is some corrective. In this important book
written in 1892 before his more radical days at Cincinnati, he sought to demonstrate the
danger of untested impressions. He stated:
All impressions which are from above bear the four
following distinguishing features. They are:
1. Scriptural. In harmony with God's
will as revealed in His Word.
2. Right. In harmony with God's will
as revealed in man's moral nature.
3. Providential. In harmony with
God's will as revealed in His providential dealings.
4. Reasonable. In harmony with God's
will as revealed to a spiritually enlightened judgment."39
As Knapp's arguments are developed, a specific Protestant position emerges: Spiritual
illumination is not superior to Scripture, but it is confirming and complementary. Moral
convictions, when right, are in accord with Scripture. "The voices of Scripture and
of right always agree.40
Knapp cites George D. Watson on the place of
providence: "The Holy Ghost never guides us contrary to the Word. The Word never
guides us contrary to Providence, and Providence does not guide us contrary to the Word or
Spirit."41
Reason, or "spiritually enlightened
judgment," must bow down before the Word.42
Knapp concludes his statement of the criteria of
judgment by emphasizing that God's guidance: is persuasive, not characterized by clamor;
allows time for testing; is open to the light, not afraid of testing. When the tests are
thoroughly made, the believer presses ahead to do God's will, even if "Feelings may
weep, perverted Scripture protest, . . . prejudices and preconceived notions be abandoned
. . ."43
Helpful as these tests are, it is my tentative
judgment that Knapp, in the years to come, did not hold steadfastly to the tests of
Scripture, but allowed Pentecostal tornadoes, and floods of experience to become dominant.
The most worthy perspective comes
from Wiley, who reflects the proper place of Scripture, inspired by, and continually
attended by the Spirit's inner authenticating testimony, with the balancing of experience,
reason and tradition. The larger movement seems to treat reason as of lesser significance
than the other facets of the quadrilateral.
Finally, I may suggest the need for the movement to
continue strengthening its trinitarian theology and its use of Scripture by a return to
the Church Fathers, and by developing its hermeneutic broadly enough to incorporate the
vast concerns of Biblical faith. I am at an end. Since prophecy is not my gift, I may here
express the hope and expectation that these tasks will be carried on. I believe they will!
Gott Hilf uns.
Notes
1 Paul Althaus, The Ethics of Martin Luther
(Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1972), pp. 3-24.
2 See Notes (Acts 2:1f).
3 Professor Harold Greenlee addresses the issue
properly by asserting that "holiness is not a matter of mere proof texts but of the
whole message of the Bible." Just as the outcropping of ore reveals potential
underground strata, so texts point to a larger sub-stratum of holiness. See his "The
Greek New Testament and the Message of Holiness," Further Insights Into Holiness,
ed. Kenneth Geiger, (Kansas City: Beacon Hill Press, 1963), pp. 82-83.
4 Martin Wells Knapp, Holiness Triumphant; or,
Pearls From Patmos: Being the Secret of Revelation Revealed (Cincinnati: M. W. Knapp,
1900).
5 Phineas Bresee, The Certainties of Faith
(Kansas City: Nazarene Publishing House, 1958), pp. 37-38.
6 Ibid, pp. 86-87.
7 E. A. Girvin, Phineas F. Bresee: A Prince in
Israel (Kansas City: Pentecostal Nazarene Publishing Co., 1916), pp. 386-387. Bresee
loved Isaiah and Paul, considering the truths of the Gospel to be found in Isaiah.
8 Ibid, p. 388.
9 George B. Kulp, Truths that Transfigure: Faith
Tonics (Cincinnati: God's Revivalist Press, 1927), pp. 22-23.
10 Ibid, p. 60.
11 Ibid, p. 197. On "Apostolic practice,"
Kulp, following Wesley, argued that the new relation between Church and State, wrought by
Constantine and Licinius, and later, Theodosius, brought about the loss of apostolic
power.
12 A. M. Hills, A Hero of Faith and Prayer;
or, Life of Martin Wells Knapp (Cincinnati: Mrs. M. W. Knapp, 1902), pp. 149-150.
13 H. Richard Niebuhr, "Theological
Unitarianisms," Theology Today (July, 1983), pp. 150-157, for comment on the
over-emphasis on pneumatology.
14 See Steele, Love Enthroned, pp. 268-302.
The quote is from an editorial in Zion 's Herald, written by Gilbert Haven.
15 Love Enthroned, p. 269.
16 Ibid., p. 276. In Milestone Papers (New
York: Phillips and Hunt 1878), pp. 253-256, Steele described himself as a descendant of
David Brainerd, and as one whose temperament was "naturally melancholic, an
introspective self-anatomizing and self accusing style of piety characteristic of my
ancestry."
17 Charles J. Fowler, Back to Pentecost (Philadelphia:
Christian Standard Co., 1900), pp. 73-74.
18 George Hughes, Days of Power in the Forest
Temple (Boston: John Bent and Co., 1873; reprint Salem, Ohio: The Allegheny Wesleyan
Methodist Connection, 1975), p. 113. The camp meeting movement was declared by Hughes to
be "pentecostal in character." Ibid., p. 422. Hughes stressed the removal of
experimental standards in Methodism, i.e., the class meeting as reason for the camp
meetings. Ibid, p. 10.
19 M. W. Knapp, Electric Shocks From Pentecostal
Batteries, III (Cincinnati: M. W. Knapp, 1901), pp. 6-7, 16. Seth C. Rees described
the occasional visits of the Father to this world, and the sending of His Son. Then Jesus
sent the Spirit to abide forever. "So the Father and the Son came and went, and the
Holy Ghost came to stay." Ibid, pp. 23-24. See M. W. Knapp, Holiness Triumphant;
or Pearls From Patmos: Being the Secret of Revelation Revealed, pp.100-101 for both a
Christological and a pneumatological emphasis. Knapp, in this study of the Book of
Revelation employs the hermeneutic of holiness and Pentecost to interpret Revelation.
Concerning Rev. 5:14, "And the four living creatures said 'Amen,' " Knapp
writes: "This model holiness meeting in heaven was also characterized by
demonstrations . . . Holiness meetings are demonstrative meetings." Throughout the
book, holiness is the central theme and goal. "Our object . . . is to proclaim and
magnify holiness as revealed in this 'Revelation,' " wrote Knapp.
20 Author's conversation with J. R. Mitchell, June
29, 1984, Wilmore, Kentucky.
21 See Electric Shocks, No. III, pp. 23-24,
for Seth Rees' sermons which described "things that always go with the Holy Ghost or
a Holy Ghost experience." (my emphasis).
22 See Electric Shocks From Pentecostal Batteries,
I, II, III, IV, V.
23 Charles J. Fowler, Back to Pentecost
(Philadelphia: Christian Standard Co.,1900), p. 7. Fowler was a minister of the Methodist
Episcopal Church.
24 Ibid, pp. 56-61, for Rees' sermon on the trials
of the believers, and pp. 72-74 for the trial of Knapp for disorderly behavior, i.e.,
noisy demonstration, at the camp. See Electric Shocks No. V (Cincinnati: 1903), p.
25.
25 Wiley, Christian Theology, I, (Kansas
City: Beacon Hill Press, 1940), pp. 146.
26 Wiley, I, pp. 143-46. Wiley here echoes Daniel
Steele's distinction between the immediateness of religious consciousness and the
mediateness of the objective world. See Steele, Love Enthroned (New York: Nelson
and Nelson, 1875), p. 233. Wiley cites Steele at length in his discussion of reason. See
Wiley, I, p. 145.
27 See Paul Bassett, "The Fundamentalist
Leavening of the Holiness Movement," Wesleyan Theological Journal (Spring,
1978), pp. 81-85.
28 Wiley, I, p. 140.
29 W. T. Purkiser, ed., Exploring Our Christian
Faith (Kansas City: Beacon Hill, 1960), p. 77
30 Robert E. Chiles, Theological Transition in
American Methodism: 1790-1935 (New York: Abingdon,1965), pp.95-104. Hills cites Miley
at least thirty-three times in his first 300 pages.
31 Donald W. Dayton, Discovering An Evangelical
Heritage (New York: Harper, 1976), pp. 130-131.
32 Chiles' argument regarding Miley and Watson seems
to apply here to Hills. See Chiles, p. 103.
33 Bassett, "The Fundamentalist Leavening of
the Holiness Movement," p. 81.
34 Hodge insisted that "while the theology of
reason derives aid from the impulses of emotion, it maintains its ascendancy over them. In
all investigations for truth the intellect must be the authoritative power employing the
sensibilities as indices of right doctrine, but . . . superintending them from its
commanding elevation." Charles Hodge, "The Theology of the Intellect and That of
the Feelings," in Mark A. Noll, ed., The Princeton Theology (Grand Rapids: Baker,
1983), p. 194.
35 A. M. Hills, Fundamental Christian Theology
(Pasadena: C. J. Kinne, 1931), pp. 16-20.
36 Purkiser, op. cit., p. 28.
37 Ibid, p. 30.
38 Ibid, pp. 68-69.
39 M. W. Knapp, Impressions (Cincinnati:
Revivalist Publishing Co., 1892), pp. 52.
40 Ibid, p. 55.
41 bid, p. 59. Watson's work is not noted by Knapp.
42 Ibid, p. 63. Wesley is quoted by Knapp.
43 Ibid, pp. 64-68.
Edited by Jason Gingerich
for the
Wesley Center for Applied Theology
at Northwest Nazarene University
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