FROM VINELAND AND MANHEIM TO BRIGHTON AND BERLIN:
THE HOLINESS REVIVAL IN NINETEENTHCENTURY EUROPE

M. E. Dieter

General Secretary of Educational

Institutions of The Wesleyan Church

Introduction

In 1873, Hannah Whitall Smith, author of the religious classic The Christian's Secret of a Happy Life, wrote an account of the recent death of her son Frank, a student at Princeton University. It was a simple story of his witness there to his own profession of the experience of entire sanctification and a revival within the university which accompanied it. l That same year the small book fell into the hands of T. D. HarfordBattersby, minister in the Anglican Church of England and onetime fellow student of Matthew Arnold, Samuel Coleridge, and Archbishop Temple. Later, at the turn of the century, the then Canon HarfordBattersby recalled what influence that work had had upon him in those days when the full impact of the postCivil War American holiness revivalism first was beginning to make its way into almost every level of English religious consciousness. "It would be impossible to report," he said, "the revolution in my religious thought and life effected by that book.... It spoke with the voice of God to my inmost condition."2

The initial impulses of this holiness revival which was agitating the thinking and emotions of HarfordBattersby and thousands of his fellows had been poignantly identified 37 years earlier in a March issue of the Zion's Herald, the official voice of New England Methodism. The Herald noted that Charles Grandison Finney, revivalist and professor at Oberlin College, "had recently come out in favor of Christian Perfection [italics theirs] as taught by Mr. Wesley."3 This turn by Finney accompanied by a similar espousal of essentially Methodist perfectionism by his colleague Asa Mahan, president of the college, marked a significant turning point for evangelical Christianity. The Oberlin Revival quickly linked up with a new revival of Methodist perfectionism in its own home church under the leadership of Dr. and Mrs. Walter Palmer of New York, sponsors of the Tuesday meetings for the Promotion of Holiness. 4

As a result of this joint thrust, neither Finney's "New School" revivalism nor Methodism's Wesleyan perfectionism were ever to be the same again.5

The Background of the European Revival

From the revivalism of George Whitefield to that of Billy Graham, there has not been a significant spiritual awakening which has not crossed and sometimes recrossed the Atlantic. The holiness revival of the last century was no exception.

The first impulses of the American holiness revival were carried to England in the 1840s and 1850s by both Methodist and Oberlin evangelists James Caughey among the former and Finney and Mahan among the latter.6 All left telling influences on the evangelical churches in Ireland, Scotland, and England.

The fuller impact of the new American revivalism was felt in England through the ministry of Walter and Phoebe Palmer during the Civil War years. Prior to and throughout the revival of 1858, the Palmers went to England and Scotland to take part in the awakenings stirred up there by the American renewal. Although the British Wesleyan Methodist churches had placed an official ban upon their ministry there, reports of their activities seem to indicate that local ministers and congregations were lax in their regard for it.7 The Palmers' ministry was so ecumenical in character that many reporters called it an Evangelical Alliance revival. Ten thousand people professed the experience of entire sanctification during their fouryear stay, and thousands claimed to be converted.8

According to James Orr, this "Second Evangelical Awakening," to which American holiness evangelists contributed a significant part of the "outside forces," affected every county in Ulster, Scotland, Wales, and England. A million members were added to the churches, accomplishing social reformations in the communities involved and spurring the churches to renewed home and foreign missionary enterprise.9

In the early seventies, the new impetus given to the American revival by the organization of the National Camp Meeting Association for the Promotion of Holiness at Vineland, N.J., in 1867, quickly began to renew the holiness revival which had been born out of the earlier evangelism during the war.10From then on, the patterns of holiness evangelism shaped by the Association increasingly appeared in Wesley's homeland. The call for a new outpouring of the Holy Spirit upon the churches came from as diverse sources as Edward Golburn, the dean of Norwich; and William Arthur, an influential minister and later president of the British Wesleyan Methodist Conferences. Books by both of these men, and other British authors, were supplemented by a virtual deluge of holiness literature from the States. "

The Ministry of Pearsall and Hannath Smith

The use of special revival measures in the promotion of holiness aroused the same fears in England that it had in America. Even friends of holiness were reluctant to adopt the new methods.12 However, the almost chance appearance on the scene of Robert Pearsall Smith and his wife, Hannah Whitall Smith, not only nudged these hesitant friends into total commitment, but swept a host of formerly uninvolved Christian pastors and laymen into lifelong dedication to various forms of "higher life" ministries. The eminent Princeton scholar, Benjamin Warfield, severe critic of the movement, believed that it represented the full flower of the Wesleyan "Pelagian" heresy. Nevertheless, he stood in awe of Smith's "whirlwind campaign" of 187375. 13

The Smiths were Quakers, both from prominent Philadelphia families. Hannah Smith had been converted in the revival of 1858. But it was not until she and her husband later moved to Millville, N.J., that in a Methodist prayer meeting she claimed to discover what she commonly called the "secret" of a happy Christian life. Robert claimed the "blessing" in "true Methodist fashion" very soon thereafter at the National Association's first camp meeting at Vineland, N.J., in July of 1867. The Smiths immediately became active lay evangelists in National Association camps. 14

Robert Smith did not go to England to evangelize, but the news of his espousal of the "blessing" and his inability to refrain from testifying to that fact quickly involved him in the tide of incipient revival. 15

By the fall of 1873 the British holiness forces began to coalesce. The Christian's Pathway of Power, published by Smith and William Boardman, carried the news of the revival to nonMethodist readers, and W. G. Pascoe's King's Highway promoted it among mainly Methodist subscribers. 16 In addition to Boardman, Asa Mahan, now in fulltime evangelism, and Charles Cullis, Episcopalian physician from Boston, joined the Smiths in their revival efforts. Henry Varley, a London Baptist minister who had only recently testified to the "rest of faith," also joined in the work of the group. 17 These nonMethodist evangelists introduced the movement's message into circles which otherwise might have summarily rejected it out of the prevailing denominational bias.

Occasionally, outspoken criticism of Smith and his message appeared claiming that the evangelist was a teacher of new doctrine, the possessor of an experience greater than that of the Apostle Paul, and that he must have reached absolute perfection. However, the critics reluctantly admitted that "some of the holiest men of the land have adopted these views which are yet 'altogether unscriptural and dangerous. ...'''18

The traditional reserve, which the British Methodist societies had shown earlier to Caughey and the Palmers, began to break down under the expanding interest in spiritual renewal. Smith was soon invited to bring his essentially Wesleyan messageclad as it was in its American revivalistic garb back home in meetings with the Methodist ministers of London and vicinity. He urged the Methodists to beware lest they fall behind other churches in the promotion of Christian holiness.19

The Broadlands and Oxford Conventions for the Promotion of Holiness

The strong support of Lord and Lady Mount Temple and other prominent English Evangelicals counteracted such initial inertia and provided a strong base of operations for the continuing evangelism of the Smiths. From July 17 to 23, 1874, the Temples' Broadlands estate was the site of a series of meetings for the promotion of holiness, chiefly among students from Cambridge University. At the conclusion of the conference, Sir Arthur Blackwood, Earl of Chichester and president of the Church Missionary Society, suggested that another but more extensive meeting for the promotion of holiness should be held at Oxford during the summer vacation time.20

The list of signatories to the call for the Oxford meeting delineates the broadening patterns of the "higher life" movement. Among leading church men were the Very Reverend Dean of Canterbury; Theodore Monod, son of the prominent French Free church pastor, Fred Monod; Paul Kover, of Switzerland; and from Germany, Otto Stockmayer, Theodor Jellinghaus, and Dr. V. von Niebuhr of Halle.2' Approximately 1,500 men and women of all classes and denominations attended the 10day meeting.

At the conclusion of the conference, W. G. Pascoe reported to the Advocate of Christian Holiness that the Oxford meetings more nearly approached America's national camp meetings than anything formerly seen in England.22 Rev. Evan H. Hopkins, one of the fathers of the Keswick Conference, said that the Oxford meeting was "the fruit and flower" of camps at Vineland and Manheim. These national camps, he noted, had been "the prototype of Oxford. "23 The Zion's Herald editorialized:

It must have been a suggestive spectacle to see old Oxford, the birthplace of Methodism, the scene of a great convention, composed of hundreds of Church of England clergymen, as well as representatives of other churches, entirely devoted to prayer, meditation, and consultation respecting "Scriptural holiness." . . .24

The Holiness Revival on the Continent

In the late spring of 1875, Robert Pearsall Smith carried his holiness evangelism to France, Germany, and Switzerland. Nowhere on the Continent did Smith receive such an enthusiastic reception as he did in Germany and Switzerland. The doctrine and experience of Christian perfection were already being preached there prior to Smith's coming by a small, but vigorous, German Methodist fellowship, which was celebrating its twentyfifth anniversary in 1875. The writings and ministry of Dr. William Nast, father of GermanAmerican Methodism and an active member of the National Association, had fed the holiness cause there.25 The young Methodist movement, however, had not made any great impact upon the established churches of the Reformation tradition, among whom there apparently was very little encouragement toward experiential religion. The old Pietist cells within those churches, moreover, often lay dormant in their prevailing quietism. The country was ripe for a transcendental message such as Smith proclaimed.

Hermann Krummacher, a German representative at the Evangelical Alliance meeting in New York in 1873, observed that the signs of revival which had appeared in Germany in 1864 to 1870 among all classes of the nation had even intensified with the outbreak of the FrancoPrussian War and its attendant nationalistic hopes. With the end of that conflict, however, he continued, the hopes had not been realized, and the German nation had been moving ahead without Christianity.26 August Tholuck, professor of theology at the University of Halle, expressed similarly pessimistic sentiments in a paper read to the same assembly. 27

Pressed by such concerns, prominent German theologians in Berlin, some of whom had attended the Oxford meetings, invited Smith to come to that city. When the "Vereinhaus" built by the Pietists proved to be too small to accommodate the crowds, the meetings moved to the Military Church by permission of the emperor and the courtpreacher Baur. Four to five thousand people crowded into the meetings daily. An observer reported that on the last Sunday night of the meetings, the crowd stood "spellbound" as Smith made his religious appeal through Dr. F. W. Beadecker, his interpreter.28

Subsequently, the secretary of state's house was made available to the evangelist for a meeting with 150 of Berlin's scholars and statesmenDr. Karl von Hegel, son of the famed philosopher and president of the Brandenburg Consistorium; and Dr. Bushsel, bishop of the German church, among them. Smith personally gave spiritual counsel to Empress Augusta and her daughter, Luise, grand duchess of Boston. The emperor thanked Smith by letter for his ministry in the city. 29

From Berlin, Smith and Methodist Pastor Ernest Gebhardt,30 who was singing for him in the services, moved on to Basel, Stuttgart, Heidelberg, Karlsruhe, and Elberfeld with similar results. In May, 1875, Smith held the closing meeting at Barmen with his sponsors, Pastor Christlieb and Pastor Fabri. More than 60 German pastors followed him to Brighton, England, at the end of the monthamong them the respected Dr. D. G. Warneck, who with 50 other state church ministers had strongly supported Smith's ministry in Germanv.31

The Brighton ConventionTriumph and Tragedy

Earnest Christianity, commenting on the European scene in 1875, rejoiced that

Messers. Pearsal [sic], Mahan, Boardman and others are permitted to behold a work in England such as has hardly been witnessed during the present century; conferences are being held solely that ministers and others may understand the doctrine of holiness more clearly.

The Continent of Europe has caught the flame of spiritual power. A son of the wellknown Fred Monod in France has become an itinerant preacher (T. Monod) and his business now is to travel through France and stir up zeal among the Protestant ranks. Conventions have been held in Germany and Switzerland and great good has been done.32

Robert Pearsall Smith returned from his triumphant meetings on the Continent to enter immediately into the long anticipated Conventions for the Promotion of Holiness, which met at Brighton, May 29June 1, 1875. Dwight L. Moody told his own London audiences that the Brighton meeting was to be "perhaps the most important meeting ever gathered together." Eight thousand people crowded the three meeting halls utilized for the services. 33

If Oxford was the Vineland of the European movement, Brighton was its Manheim.34 The Smiths were the main speakers. To some, Hannah Whitall Smith was an even more forceful presence than her husband. Her daily Bible readingscarried over from a type of service common to the National Camps in Americawere the chief center of interest. She also conducted special services for the women who were present. Reporters found her to be a "trenchant and often powerful" expositor. 35

The testimony of Dr. Warneck that at Brighton he received the greatest impulses of his spiritual life was repeated again and again by participants in the conference.36 Elizabeth Charles, author of the then popular Chronicles of the SchoenbergCotta Family, a story about Martin Luther, summed up her view, and apparently that of many others, when she predicted "that the doctrine of sanctification by faith and the blessed experience the doctrine brings are about to occupy the attention of Christians as they never have done before.... Nor can we doubt," she said, "that time will come when the Conventions of Oxford and Brighton shall be historical as the first great efforts lin the development of that movement]...."37

The Significance of the European Holiness Revival of 187375

It would be easy to relegate enthusiasm such as Mrs. Charles's to the usual optimism of a revival atmosphere. However, when one reads the judgment of the scholarly but rather prejudiced Benjamin Warfield, he can put into better perspective the obvious excitement which infused the contemporary accounts. Warfield concluded that there have been "few more dramatic pages in the history of modern Christianity than the record of this 'Higher Life' Movement."38

Many of these participants at Brighton were conscious that they were standing in some kind of enduring Christian tradition. And yet there was a novelty in it all. They testified that it was the truth of "our Saviour and his apostles, believed in by the Godly of all ages."39 The Friend's Quarterly Examiner reported that "it is making experimental that which we have held doctrinally.... this is the key to the rapid spread of this movement for the promotion of Scriptural holiness...." It was the only explanation the Examiner could propose for a meeting of 8,000 Christians "at which no doctrinal questions were . . . discussed, no resolutions passed, and no fresh church organization attempted.... " 40 Mrs. Charles found an explanation for the freshness with which this came to them in Coleridge's observation that "to restore a commonplace truth to its first uncommon lustre, you need only to translate it into action.''4l

Walter Houghton's definitive analysis of life in the Victorian age, The Victorian Frame of Mind, 42 provides a composite picture of the dynamics of ideological and sociological forces which were tearing at the minds and lives of men and women in England during the period of the revival. He indicates that the dominant characteristics of the time were "transition" and "doubt" transition created by "bourgeois industrial society" and resultant doubt "about the nature of man, society, and the universe."43 Matthew Arnold declared that "amid that breakup of traditional and conventional notions respecting our life, its conduct, its sanctions," men were looking for "some clear light and some sure stay."44 Such circumstances, then, help to explain why the activistic, optimistic American presentation of an essentially Wesleyan perfectionism burst upon the scene with such freshness. It signified, in short, a revival of hope in the midst of an "age of multiplied doubts and shaken beliefs."45

Houghton says that the common religious mood was marked by the frustrations of "a daily sense of failure" under the hand of a heavy Puritan theology with its sombre Deity. There was an almost universal consensus that the Church was not demonstrating real Christianity.46 Bertrand Russell described the mood in society in general as "all the loneliness of humanity amid hostile forces . . . concentrated upon the individual soul."47

Against such a background, one may better interpret the remarks of Rev. J. B. Figgis about the holiness revival in the Evangelical Magazine for September, 1875. "There is 'no small stir about this [Higher Life] way,'" he said,

and this implies a certain amount of novelty and (probably) of truth. Some friends of the movement have been a little too ready to disclaim the former.... But they are new to many, perhaps new to most, new certainly to us; and glorious newsthey are "good news," a very "Gospel," only a Gospel not merely for sinners, but for the saved . . . and life is a continual triumph.48

The Victorians who heard Smith apparently felt that they had been freed from the heavy hand of a stern God. They professed a new joy in a relationship in which it was "possible to walk with God, and to . . . 'please Him.'"49

It was part of a "new era of American Pietism" whose beginnings Perry Miller has identified with the rise of holiness literature such as Boardman's Higher Christian Life just prior to the Civil War. The extent to which it was received by people of every class and creed, in both European and American Protestantism in the troubled 1870s, serves as a strong reminder that, in spite of Miller's fear that it represented "the ultimate reaches of the Revival's long efforts to elude the trammels of metaphysics," it did speak to the day and the heart. 50 The certainty and the immediateness of the holiness message apparently represented a path to new purpose. 51

After Brighton, Smith and his followers were exuberant; all Europe seemed to be at their feet. However, the continuing reports of the English revival in the Advocate of Christian Holiness brought the announcement in September, 1875, that Smith had to return to his Philadelphia home because of "failing health." The editor hoped for an early return to his ministry.52 Smith and his wife, who had been scheduled to speak at the first Keswick Convention, held in July of 1875 following the Brighton Convention, never did attend.

More than "failing health" was involved. His sponsoring committee had summarily dismissed him from his work for what they considered to be doctrinal and moral indiscretions. For nearly 90 years the rumors and questions concerning Smith's "fall" persisted without any additional explanation. When further facts were ultimately discovered, it appeared that Smith's "indiscretions" were of such a nature that it might have been better for all concerned if the committee had not been as evasive as they were. In any case, the editor's hopes for a continued ministry for the Smiths were never realized 53

The Institutionalization of the Revival

England and the Keswick Convention

The holiness movement in Europe was shaken by the dissension over Smith but not finally daunted. The revival recovered, grew, and eventually produced new holiness institutions. Jack Ford lists Wesleyanoriented English groups which sprang up as a result of the revival. In addition to his own Church of the Nazarene, he mentions Cliff College (1884), the Southport Convention (1885), the Faith Mission (1886), the Star Hall (1889), the Pentecostal League (1891), the Salvation Army (1878), the Holiness Church (ca. 1880), and the Independent Holiness Movement (1907).54

W. WebbPeploelater prebendarywas called upon to take Smith's place in the first Keswick Convention where Smith was to have spoken. He with men like Rev. Evan H. Hopkins; Robert Wilson, a Quaker; Canon HarfordBattersby, vicar of St. Johns in Keswick; and Handley Moule, principal of Ridley Hall and later Bishop of Durham, determined the early course of the convention.

The ongoing history of Keswick represents the most enduring form of what might properly be called the Calvinistically or the less Methodistically oriented results of the holiness revival. Annual meetings "for the Promotion of Scriptural Holiness" have been held there to the present time. Their structure and purpose, in many ways, faithfully reflect their holinessmovement parentage. The influence of Keswick in all of Protestant evangelicalism has been substantial.55

The Holiness Movement and German Pietism

Equally important consequences for evangelicalism grew out of the impact of Smith's preaching upon the old Pietist areas of southern Germany. Students of the German Gemeinschaftsbewegung maintain that this modern German Pietist movement sprang from a combination of the staid strain of old German Pietism and the vigorous activistic strain of the AmericanEnglish holiness movements.56 Conditioned by the waves of evangelism which swept Germany at the beginning and the middle of the nineteenth century, traditional Pietism was ready to hear a message which called for practical, positive, Christian holiness. The impact of the new Fellowship Movement upon the German churches was so significant that it is impossible to read the history of the German evangelical church from that time to this without understanding these origins of the movement.57

The German holiness movement took a different turn from that found in the ongoing American and English movements. Its converts formed conventicles within the established or state church in the old Pietistic tradition of smallgroup fellowships or churches within the church. These German groups had three main emphases: fellowship, which gave them their name Gemeinschaftsbewegung, evangelization of the masses, and the promotion of the doctrine of entire sanctification. The national movement finally centered around the famous Gnadau Conference, which first met in 1888. Jasper V. Oertzen, who had been strongly influenced by Johann Wichern, the father of German Inner Missions; Theodore Christlieb, one of Smith's sponsors and professor of practical theology at Bonn; and Theodor Jellinghaus, the theologian of the movement, became the most prominent leaders. The latter's Complete Salvation in the Present outlined the movement's theology of Christian holiness.58

Christian Endeavor Societies, the Young Men's Christian Associations, and the university Christian movements in Germany got almost all of their strength from the new Pietist movement.59

The movement in Germany was severely divided in the early decades of the twentieth century when the Pentecostal movement began to promote its particular emphases on the baptism of the Holy Ghost as evidenced by speaking in tongues. Varying positions on the question were taken by powerful leaders in the movement. More than doctrine and experience were at issue; the strong separationist tendencies of the incipient Pentecostal movement gradually led to a breakdown of the prevailing Pietist concept of a church within the church and produced a church organization of distinct Pentecostal bodies much in the same pattern as the holiness and Pentecostal movements in the United States.60

Summary

This brief review indicates that a more thorough study of the European revival would be helpful to the interpretation of the American holiness movement. Its value lies in the fact that it gives us a view of the response to American holiness revivalism in a nonAmerican contextfar removed from the American frontier, from all other distinctly American sociological factors, and just as important, largely removed from the close involvement with American Methodism. The latter involvement frequently has tended to make identification of the issues in American perfectionist revivalism difficult to define, interlaced as they were in so complex a denominational context.

What was true of the revivalism in England was also true of its acceptance and influence in Germany and other European countries. In Germany, in particular, it proved the breadth of its appeal by reviving the old pietistic cells, while at the same time attracting to itself men from all levels of society as well as established churchmen.

The European story is important because of the numerous movements which sprang from Smith's evangelism and that of others who continued his work; the basically pietistic impulses, strongly energized by the American movement's optimism and activism, shaped a new concept of the Christian life, not only for many in the Free Churches of England and Europe, but also for many in the evangelical elements of the established Protestant churches as well. New institutions, especially dedicated to the revival's holiness doctrines, came into being in England and Europe as they did in America. In the Germany and Switzerland of that day, the revival took up the Inner Mission movement and gave it a new dynamic, as an influential force within the state churches.

The study is also important to all who may wish to do further work in the theology of the movement; it appears that in numerous German works both within and without the movement more important work was done on the theological and biblical questions raised by the holiness movement than has ever been done in America. Competent translations of this work would greatly enhance future studies in this area; they have been neglected too long.

Finally, a very practical point. The breadth of the message's appeal to all classes of questing Christians who are seeking the celebration of hope and victory in daily Christian living is demonstrated in the European revival story. The fact that learned German doctors and the lords and ladies of England could rejoice in the holiness message in common with the farmer, the frontiersman, and the "disinherited" of the American cities, should give new impetus and hope to anyone who will proclaim the gospel of the fullness of life in Christ by the power of the Spirit today. He still moves where and when and with whom He will; and where He is, there will His servants also be.

REFERENCE NOTES

1. Hannah Whitall Smith, Frank he Record of a Happy Life (Philadelphia: Printed for Private Collection, 1973).

2. Charles F. Harford, ed., The Keswick Convention: Its Message, Its Method, and Its Men (London: Marshall Brothers, 1907), p. 124.

3. Zion's Herald 8 (March 15, 1837): 42.

4. Guide to Christian Perfection 1 (July, 1839): 13, quoted Mahan; and D. S. King, publisher of the Guide, published Mahan's Scripture Doctrine of Christian Perfection (Boston: 1839) in the same year he began the journal.

5. Guide, loc cit.

6. See Caughey's accounts in his Methodism in Earnest: Being the History of a Great Revival in Great Britain . . ., e's. R. W. Allen and Daniel Wise (Boston: C. H. Pierce, 1850).

7. Earnest Christian 4 (December, 1862): 185.

8. Walter and Phoebe Palmer, Four Years in the Old World: Comprising the Travels, Incidents and Evangelistic Labors of Dr. and Mrs. Palmer in England, Ire land, Scotland and Wales (New York: Foster and Palmer, Jr., 1867), gives the Palmers' account; also see James E. Orr, The Second Evangelical Awakening (London: Marshall, Morgan & Scott, 1955), pp. 6277 et passim.

9. Ibid., pp. 81, 125.

10. See Wm. McDonald and John E. Searles, The Life of Rev. John S. Inskip, President of the National Association for the Promotion of Holiness (Chicago: The Christian Witness Co., 1885), pp. 19495; Henry B. Ridgaway, The Life of Rev. Alfred Cookman: With Some Account of His Father, the Rev. George Chrimston Cookman (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1873), pp. 31718; Delbert Rose, A Theology of Christian Experience (Minneapolis, Minn.: Bethany Fellowship, 1965), pp. 4467.

11. Edward Golburn, The Pursuit of Holiness (London: Rivington, 1870); Wm. Arthur, The Tongue of Fire: Or the True Power of Christianity (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1880 [originall published in 1856lh]

12. Advocate of Christian Holiness 3 (March, 1873); ibid., 4 (June, 1873): 281.

13. Benjamin B. Warfield, Perfectionism (Philadelphia: The Presbyterian and Reformed Publishing Co., 1971), pp. 223, 266, 324.

14. Fuller accounts of the Smiths' lives and work are given in Hannah Whitall Smith, The Unselfishness of God, and How I Discovered It: A Spiritual Autobiography (New York: Fleming H. Resell Co., 1903), and Logan Pearsall Smith (ed.), Philadelphia Quaker: The Letters of Hannah Whitall Smith (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1950); Warfield, Perfectionism, pp. 247307. Also see H. Smith, The Unselfishness of God, pp. 16995, 24189, "Believing, Resting, Abiding," Guide 52 (July, 1867): 21 23; Olin S. Garrison, Forty Witnesses, Covering the Whole Range of Christian Experience (Freeport, Pa.: The Fountain Press, 1955 [reprint of the 1888 edition]), PP 11930; Guide 60 (July, 1871): 27.

15. Christian Standard 8 (No. 42): 333; John Charles Pollock, The Keswick Story: The Authorized History of the Keswick Convention (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1964), pp. 1819; A. T. Pierson, Forward Movements of the Last Half Century (New York: Funk and Wagnalls Co., 1905), pp. 24ff.

16. Advocate of Christian Holiness 5 (November, 1874): 108.

17. Ibid. 4 (September, 1873): 65; ibid. (July, 1873), p. 15; Mrs. William Earl Boardman, Life and Labors of the Rev. W. E. Boardman (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1887), pp. 15659.

18. Advocate of Christian Holiness 4 (January, 1874): 159. Also see Pollock Keswick Story, p. 33.

19. Advocate of Christian Holiness 4 (May, 1874): 262. Christian Standard and Home Journal 8 (December 19, 1874): 45.

20. Harford, Keswick Convention, pp. 2526.

21. Ibid., p. 18. Webster's Biographical Dictionary (Springfield, Mass.: G. & C. Merriam Co., 1943), p. 1100.

22. Advocate of Christian Holiness 5 (November, 1874): 113.

23. Evan Hopkins, "Preliminary Stages," Harford, Keswick Convention, p. 30. For a full account of the Oxford Convention see Account of the Union Meeting for the Promotion of Scriptural Holiness, Held at Oxford, August 29 to September 7, 1874 (Chicago: Fleming H. Resell, 1875).

24. Zion's Herald, n.s. 24 (February, 1876): 54. Christian Standard 8 (December 19, 1874): 405.

25. Methodist membership in Germany in 1874 was 7,022. See Paul F. Douglass, The Story of German Methodism: Biography of an Immigrant Soul (New York: Methodist Book Concern, 1939), p. 127. This biography of Nast fails to recognize his deep involvement as an active member of the National Association for the Promotion of Holiness 26. "Christian Life in Germany," Philip Schiff and S. Airiness Prime, ed}., History, Essays, Orations, and Other Documents of the Sixth General Conference of the Evangelical Alliance Held in New York, October 212, 1873 (New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1874), pp. 7884.

27. "Evangelical Theology in Germany," ibid., pp. 8589.

28. Earnest Christianity 1 (July, 1875): 444, quoting "a Berlin paper." For summaries of Smith's German ministry see D. Paul Fleisch, Die Moderne Gemeinschaftsbewegung in Deutschland: ein Versuch dieselbe nach Ihren Ursprung darustellen und zu wurdigen (Leipzig: H. G. Walkman, 1903); Fr. Winkler, "Robert Pearsall Smith und der Perfectionismus," Friedrich D. Kropatscheck, Biblische Zeit = und Streitfragen zur Aufklarung der Gebildeten, Series ix (BerlinLichterfelde: Edwin Runge, 1914), pp. 40122.

29. Paulus Scharpff, The History of Evangelism: Three Hundred Years of Evangelism in Germany, Great Britain and the United States of America, trans. Helga Bender Henry (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1966), pp. 21522.

30. Ibid., pp. 22022.

31. Advocate of Christian Holiness 6 (June, 1875): 1819. Winkler, "Smith und der Perfectionismus." p. 415.

32. Earnest Christianity, n.s. 1 (June, 1875): 28283.

33. Record of the Conuention for the Promotion of Scriptural Holiness Held at Brighton, May 29--June 7, 1875 (Brighton: W. S. Smith, N.D.), pp. 47, 319 (hereafter cited as Brighton Record).

34. Advocate of Christian Holiness 6 (August, 1875): 37.

35. Sunday School Times 17 (June 26, 1875): 413, quoting an unidentified English newspaper.

36. Winkler, "Smith und der Perfectionismus," p. 415.

37. Brighton Record, p. 416.

38. Warfield, Perfectionism, pp. 324, 267.

39. Brighton Record, p. 415.

40. Ibid.

41. Ibid., pp. 42425. Italics hers.

42. Walter Houghton, The Victorian Frame of Mind: 183()1870 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1957).

43. Ibid., pp. xvi, 2122.

44. As quoted by ibid., p. 9, from Matthew Arnold, Last Essays on Church and Religion (1877), p. 287.

45. Houghton, The Victorian Frame of Mind, p. 10.

46. Ibid., pp. 62, 228ff.

47. Ibid., p. 87, n. 112.

48. As quoted in Brighton Record, p. 422. Italics his.

49. Ibid.

50. Perry Miller, The Life of the Mind in America from the Revolution to the Civil War (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc., 1965), p. 93.

51. See Account of the Union Meeting . . . at Oxford, pp. Ivii.

52. Advocate of Christian Holiness 6 (September, 1875): 70.

53. Pollock, Keswick Story, pp. 3437. Winkler, "Smith und der Perfectionismus," p. 416. Warfield, Perfectionism, pp. 26861. Logan Pearsall Smith, Unforgotten Years (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1939), pp. 6064.

54. Jack Ford, In the Steps of John Wesley: The Church of the Nazarene in Britain (Kansas City: Nazarene Publishing House, 1968), pp. 2930.

55. For general histories of Keswick see Pollock, Keswick Story; Harford, Keswick Convention.

56. Abdel Wentz's excellent monograph, Germany's Modern Pietistic Movement (n.p., n.n., N.D.), develops this theme; see pp. 24.

57. Ibid., p. 2; Winkler, "Smith und der Perfectionismus," p. 402.

58. Wentz, Germany's Modern Pietistic Movement, pp. 45; Scharpff, History of Evangelism, pp. 202, 208, 219, 22426, 23233. For an article typical of Reformed theologians' polemics against the theology of the new German holiness movement see D. Gennrich, Wiedergeburt und Heiligung mit Bezug auf die gegenwartigen Stromungen des religiosen Lebens (Leipzig: A. Deichert, 1908).

59. Wentz, Germany's Modern Pietistic Movement, p. 8; Scharpff, History of Evangelism, pp. 22829

60. See D. Paul Fleisch, Die Pfingstbewegung in Deutschland: Ihr Wesen und ihre Geschichte in funfzig Jahren (Hannover: Heinr. Feesche Verlag, 1957), pp.24186.