JOHN WESLEY AND THE BIBLE
WILLIAM M. ARNETT, Ph.D.
(Professor of Christian Doctrine, Asbury Theological Seminary)
(Dr. Arnett's Presidential address delivered to the Third Annual Meeting of the Wesleyan
Theological Society)
It has been observed that the watershed of present-day
theology remains one's attitude toward the Bible as the ultimate and final authority for
faith and practice.1 Whether or not we agree with this observation, it must be
admitted that many of our difficulties and divisions arise out of basic attitudes or views
toward the Holy Scriptures. "The doctrinal problem which, above all others, demands
resolution in the modern church is that of the authority of Holy Scripture," writes
John Warwick Montgomery. "All other issues of belief today pale before this issue,
and indeed root in it."2 In a similar vein, J. Marcellus Kik concludes
that "ecumenism will never in a thousand and one years achieve the goal of Christian
unity until it settles the question of authority."3 The centrality of this
issue cannot be evaded by those who take seriously the claims of the Christian faith.
Our attention is being focused on an important facet of
this basic issue in the panel on "Biblical Inerrancy" at this third annual
meeting of the Wesleyan Theological Society. It is germane to our interests as a
theological society to call attention to John Wesley's attitude toward the Bible. This
Society bears his name, and as perhaps its most important spiritual progenitor,
there are wholesome elements in his approach to, and use of; the Bible that can well be
emulated. To some of these vital elements, attention is here invited.
I. John Wesley Approached the Bible With Humility
Wesley's attitude was utterly devoid of the air of
intellectual snobbery or of the arrogancy of self-sufficiency. He never forgot his human
creatureliness and the fact that he was a member of a fallen race. He was soberly
impressed by life's gravity as well as life's brevity - the fact that he was "a
creature of a day, passing through life as an arrow through the air," enroute to an
"unchangeable eternity." As Wesley faced these serious factors, his
indispensable book was the Bible. His inmost thoughts were expressed in the memorable
introduction to his collected Sermons:
To candid and reasonable men I am not afraid to lay open
what have been the inmost thoughts of my heart. I have thought, I am a creature of a day,
passing through life as an arrow through the air. I am a spirit come from God, and
returning to God; just hovering over the great gulf; till a few moments hence I am no more
seen; I drop into an unchangeable eternity! I want to know one thing - the way to heaven,
how to land safe on that happy shore. God Himself has condescended to teach me the way,
for this very end He came from heaven; He hath written it down in a book. O give me that
Book! At any price, give me the Book of God. I have it; here is knowledge enough for me.
Let me be homo unius libri!4
Although Wesley was one of the best trained and best
read men of his time, he bowed in creaturely reverence before a God-breathed Book, a Book
that forthrightly tells man whence he came, and offers him light upon whither he goes. In
the "Preface" to the Explanatory Notes Upon the New Testament he revealed his
earnest concern in these words:
Would to God that all the party names and unscriptural
phrases and forms which have divided the Christian world were forgot, and that we might
all agree to sit down together, as humble, loving disciples, at the fret of our common
Master, to hear His word, to imbibe His Spirit and to transcribe His life in our own!5
II. It Is Evident That John Wesley Studied the Bible
Diligently
In a letter dated May 14, 1765, Wesley informed one of
his correspondents (John Newton) that it was "in 1730 I began to be homo unius libri,
to study (comparatively) no book but the Bible."6 James R. Joy called
Wesley a "man of a thousand books and a Book," and rightly so, for Wesley once
estimated roughly that he had read 600 volumes, and we know that he was author or editor
of some 400 publications.7 But the one Book that he exalted above all others
was the Bible. He had few superiors in general scholarship and knowledge, but the focal
point of all his learning was the Bible. At Oxford he was proficient in Greek, and
developed such an acquaintance with the New Testament that "when a friend halted in
quoting a verse of the English text, Wesley would come to the rescue by quoting the
original Greek."8
His knowledge of the Old Testament is equally amazing.
Commenting upon the motto which Wesley chose for the Fourth Extract of the Journal,
Nehemiah Curnock observes that "it is some indication, if not evidence, of Wesley's
absolute familiarity with the Bible that he should have found so perfect a motto for the
title page: 'When I had waited!" a reference to Job 32:16.9
The section deals with Wesley's relation to Moravianism,
and on account of the importance, as well as delicacy of the subject, he was careful to be
certain of his action, as well as his writing. Therefore he waited three years before
sending the material to
Press - from 1741 to 1744 - and chose Job 32:16, 17, 21,
22 for the title page.10 Such familiarity with the Word of God was the result
of careful training and painstaking effort. In 1727, at the age of 24, Wesley was spending
several hours every day in the reading of the Scriptures in the original tongues.11
He said he had "examined minutely every word of the New Testament in the original
Greek."12
III. Wesley Regarded the Bible As Authority
His three criteria of truth were Scripture, Reason, and
Experience. There were times when Wesley varied the order, but always the Scripture was
first and basic. "The Scriptures are the touchstone whereby Christians examine all,
real and supposed, revelations. In all cases, they appeal 'to the law and to the
testimony,' and try every spirit thereby."13 In his criticism of
Hutcheson's "Essay on the Passion" Wesley said he knew "both from
Scripture, reason, and experience that his picture of man is not drawn from life."14
While reason is not to be discredited or despised, it has limitations and must be the
handmaid of faith, the servant of revelation.15 Experience, for Wesley, whether
of contemporaries or of the ancients, was allowed to clarify and confirm Scripture, but
never to supersede it.16
Wesley believed in the full inspiration and
infallibility of the Bible. In the "Preface" to his Explanatory Notes Upon the
New Testament, he expresses a high view of inspiration.
And the language of His messengers also, is exact in the
highest degree: for the words which were given them accurately answered the impression
made upon their minds: and hence Luther says, 'Divinity is nothing but a grammar of the
language of the Holy Ghost.'17
In one of his sermons he admonishes the hearer (and
reader) to "prove thy own self by the infallible word of God."18 All
Scripture is equally inspired and therefore authoritative. "If there be any mistakes
in the Bible, there may as well be a thousand. If there be one falsehood in that book, it
did not come from the God of truth."19 He chided those who took exception
to the views presented by the Scripture, and regarded their "mending" as a most
serious offense.
It would be excusable if these menders of the Bible
would offer their hypotheses modestly. But one cannot excuse them when they not only
obtrude their novel scheme with the utmost confidence, hut even ridicule that Scriptural
one which always was, and is now held by men of the greatest learning and piety in the
world. Hereby they promote the cause of infidelity more effectually than either Hume or
Voltaire.20
In his tract, "Popery Calmly Considered,"
Wesley's final instruction for knowing the sense of any Scripture "from the sense of
the Church" is that
"in all cases, the Church is to be judged by the
Scripture, not the Scripture by the Church. And Scripture is the best expounder of
Scripture. The best way, therefore, to understand it, is carefully to compare Scripture
with Scripture, and thereby learn the true meaning of it."21
IV. Wesley Appropriated and Expounded the Bible
Redemptively
He saw clearly that the central focus of the Bible is
the person of Jesus Christ and His redeeming work. "We could not rejoice that there
is a God," writes Wesley in his comment upon I Timothy 2:5, "were there not a
Mediator also; one who stands between God and man, to reconcile man to God, and to
transact the whole affair of our salvation."22 As one who considered that
he was divinely called to minister to the common man, he wrote his Explanatory Notes Upon
the New Testament "chiefly for plain, unlettered men, who understand only their
mother-tongue, and yet reverence and love the Word of God, and have a desire to save their
souls."23
He was a man who was constantly questing for souls. In
his advice to the helpers in the Societies, and in his exhortation to the Methodist
preachers of America, he said they had one thing to do and that was to save souls. In his
expository sermons on the Sermon on the Mount, Wesley the evangelist emerges again and
again as he calls people to faith in Christ and to a life of "inward and outward
holiness." He preached his last sermon only eight days before his death on March 2,
1791, on the text, "Seek ye the Lord while He may be found; call ye upon Him while He
is near" (Isa. 55: 6). Curnock, editor of Wesley's famous Journal writes: "It is
easy to see that the fire of love and zeal burnt brighter and brighter to the end, and the
end matched and crowned the whole course of his ministry."24 It was the
evangelistic movement introduced by the Wesleys that did more for social uplift in England
than all other factors combined, and provided the spiritual impetus of a whole age of
reform. The philosophy of the world is that "new conditions will make new men,"
but the gospel emphasis is that "new men will make new conditions," and Wesley,
while concerned about all of man's needs, kept in focus that his primary task was the
making of new men.
V. Wesley Applied the Bible With Practicality
Wesley was, in a large measure, an apostle to the common
man, and therefore sought to eliminate the elaborate, the elegant, and the oratorical. As
he expressed in his "Preface" to the Standard Sermons, "I design plain
truth for plain people: therefore, of set purpose, I abstain from all nice and
philosophical speculations: from all perplexed and intricate reasonings; and, as far as
possible, from even the show of learning, unless in sometimes citing the original
text."25 To Alexander Coates he wrote:
Practical religion is your point; therefore keep to
this: repentance toward faith in Christ, holiness of heart and life, a growing in grace
and in the knowledge of Christ, the continual need of His atoning blood, a constant
confidence in Him, and all these every moment to our life's end.26
As a servant of God's Word, Wesley manifested a
remarkable catholicity of spirit and breadth of view, displaying a readiness to cooperate
with all sincere and earnest Christians. That this was a subject of vital importance to
Wesley can be seen from the fact that he included two sermons or addresses devoted to the
topic in his Standard Sermons. One was entitled "A Caution Against Bigotry,"27
the other, "Catholic Spirit."28
VI. Wesley Used the Bible Devotionally
Patterns were early set in Wesley's life, and he
followed them to the end of his earthly pilgrimage. Where available, the entries in his
private diary are synchronized with his published Journal, and the references to
Scriptures used devotionally are multitudinous. In the "Preface" to the
Explanatory Notes Upon the Old Testament, Wesley summarized a procedure for using the
Bible most effectively, which involved its use in a devotional manner. His constructive
suggestions, which undoubtedly reflect elements in his own personal practice, are:
First, set apart some time, if possible, every morning
and evening to read the Scripture.
Second, read a chapter out of the Old and one out of the
New Testament, if possible. If that cannot be done, read one chapter, or part of one.
Third, read the Scripture with the single purpose of
knowing the whole will of God, and with a fixed determination to do that will.
Fourth, in order to know the will of God, there should
be a constant eye to the analogy of faith: the connection and harmony there is between
those grand, fundamental doctrines-original sin, justification by faith, the new birth,
inward and outward holiness.
Fifth, serious and earnest prayer should be made before
approaching the oracles of God, seeing that "Scripture can only be understood through
the same Spirit whereby it was given." Prayer should be offered at the close in order
that what is read might be written upon the heart.
Sixth, there should be periods of self-examination
during the reading of the Scripture, with both heart and life being scrutinized. And
whatever light is given "should be used to the uttermost, and that immediately. Let
there be no delay. Whatever you resolve, begin to execute the first moment you can. So
shall you find this word to be indeed the power of God unto present and eternal
salvation."29
Such were some of Wesley's emphases with regard to the
Bible. To his fellow-workers he wrote: "We are called to propagate Bible religion
through the land-that is faith working by love, holy tempers and holy lives."30
On June 5, 1766, he wrote, "My ground is the Bible. Yea, I am a Bible-bigot. I follow
it in all things, both great and small."31 Again: "I try every church
and every doctrine by the Bible. This is the word by which we are to be judged in that
day."32
Thus, in this brief survey, we have noted that John
Wesley, the progenitor of this society, approached the Bible with humility, studied the
Bible diligently, regarded the Bible as authority, appropriated and expounded the Bible
redemptively, applied the Bible with practicality, and used the Bible devotionally. May
these worthy elements characterize all who love and serve the Saviour in the tradition of
men of "the strangely warmed heart!"
DOCUMENTATIONS
1Harold J. Ockenga, "Resurgent Evangelical
Leadership," Christianity Today, October 11, 1960, p. 12.
2John Warwick Montgomery, Crisis' in Lutheran
Theology (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Book House, 1967), p. 15.
3J. Marcellus Kik, Ecumenism and the
Evangelical (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: The Presbyterian and Reformed Publishing
Company, 1958), pp. 136, 137.
4The Works of the Rev. John Wesley, A.M.
(London: John Mason, 1829), Thomas Jackson, editor, V:ii,iii. Further references will be
listed as Works.
5John Wesley, Explanatory Notes Upon the New
Testament (London: The Epworth Press, 1950), p. 8.
6The Letters of the Rev. John Wesley, A.M·
(London: The Epworth Press. 1931), John Telford, ed., V:299. Further references will be
listed as Letters.
7James R. Joy, "Wesley: Man of a Thousand
Books and a Book," Religion in Life VIII:71 (Winter 1939).
8John Wesley's New Testament, with an
Introduction by George C. Cell (Philadelphia: The John C. Winston Company, 1937), p.
x.
9The Journal of the Rev. John Wesley, A.M.
(London: Charles H. Kelly, 1911), Nehemiah Curhock, ed., II:500. Further references will
be listed as Journal.
10Ibid., p. 307
11Tyerman, L. The Life and Times of the Rev.
John Wesley, M.A. (London: Hodder and Stoughton, n.d.), 1:52.
12John Wesley's New Testament, p. x.
13Letters, II: 117
14Journal, V: 492, 495.
15Works, VI: 360.
16Wesley's Standard Sermons, Edward H.
Sugden, ed. (Nashville: Lamar & Barton, Agents, n.d.), II : 352.
17Explanatory Notes Upon the New Testament,
p. 9.
18Sermon CXXIX, "The Cause and Cure of
Earthquakes," Works, VII: 399.
19Journal, VI: 117.
20Journal, V: 523.
21Works, X: 142.
22Explanatory Notes Upon the New Testament,
p. 775.
23Ibid., p. 6
24Journal. VIII: 128.
25Wesley's Standard Sermons, I: 30.
26Letters, IV: 159.
27Wesley's Standard Sermons, II: 104, 125.
28Ibid., pp. 126-146.
29John Wesley, Explanatory Notes Upon the Old
Testament (Bristol: William Pine, 1765), I : ix.
30Letters, VI: 291.
31Journal, V: 169.
32Letters, III: 172.
BURNING ISSUES IN THE LIFE OF SANCTITY
HAROLD B. KUHN, Ph. D.
(Chairman, Division of Theology and
Philosophy of Religion
Asbury Theological Seminary)
The Biblical call to personal sanctity is one which
places before us a tremendous obligation to seek out, and to embody in practical living,
the implications of the emphasis upon Christian holiness for the conduct of the believer
as he takes his place in the life of the world. The fine values which have historically
marked the lives of the best of the saints are of little value as museum pieces; only as
they find expression in the activities of our common life are they significant in a day in
which such emphasis is laid (and rightly so!) upon the projection of the Christian Evangel
into the life of the world.
It goes without saying that ethics does not stand
detached as an emphasis in the message of Christian Sanctity. That is, ethical living is
by no means thought to issue naturally (as, for example, from self-knowledge, as Socrates
taught), nor to be derived from the simple analysis of some such abstraction as the
'natural right' or the 'rational good'. The life which is pleasing to God issues solely
from an inner spiritual state in which double-ness of purpose, and chaos of motivation,
have been set at rest.
One is reminded at this point of the dictum of Soren
Kierkegaard, "Purity of heart is to will one thing." While this is obviously not
complete as a definition, yet it does point to the real heart of the matter, that the
sanctified life is one which results when inner chaos has been resolved, and which springs
from a heart free "to will with Him one will." This is the heart of the message
of Christian holiness: and without this strong core, no emphasis upon the external
expression of any supposed 'ideal of sanctity' can be sound.
It is projected here to take for granted that this
central core of teaching is compatible with the general thrust of God's Revelation, and
that what is said with respect to the ethical ideal rests upon the broad basis of the
reality of the experience known as Entire Sanctification, this being understood in terms
of the elimination from the regenerate heart of all that is morally unsound, and the
enthronement of Christ, who is the life in the citadel of the personality. It is a
commonplace (but what an important commonplace!) that there is no genuine sanctity apart
from the installation in the Christian heart of Him who said, "and for their sakes I
sanctify myself, that they also may be sanctified . . ." (John 17:19).
I
Descending from this high theological ground, into the
arena in which our life must be lived, it is indicated, I believe, that we note briefly
the type or form of ethical theory which is implied in the emphasis of the movement
fostering Christian Sanctity. It should be noted that there is seldom an explicit
statement made by ministers of the Full Covenant at this point; certain things are,
however, implicit. These may be sharpened by reference to the broader base upon which
ethical teaching has historically been made to rest.
In the broadest sense, ethical theories are divisible
into two types, the subjectivistic and the objectivistic. Among the most noteworthy of the
subjectivistic are these: the individualistic, hedonistic and the sociohedonistic or
utilitarian. These have for a common denominator one thing: either pleasure or the absence
of pain is made to constitute the ethical objective. Such a form of ethical theory is, of
course, ambiguous, since the very term 'pleasure' is a slippery one, resting upon such
variables as the personal capacity for enjoyment, and upon personal or cultural
idiosyncrasies. Hedonistic ethics has historically led, almost universally, to a narrow
definition of pleasure in terms of sensory pleasure; it is but a short step to sensuality.
The major forms of the objectivistic are these: the
rationalistic, the metaphysical, and the revelational. The rationalistic ethic rests upon
the premise that the Good is the Rational, and that the Rational is the Right. It assumes,
further, that human reason possesses a competence, not only to recognize the Good
inerringly, but also to sway the personality in such a manner as to secure righteousness
in day-by-day practice. This has the evident weakness of failing to take into account the
degree to which human reason has been affected adversely by the Fall. It is difficult to
defend the view that men unfailingly (or even usually) do as a matter of course that which
they know to be right.
The metaphysical type of ethic assumes that the
principles of Right and Good are embedded in the universe, and that the cosmos will
support only what is good, while it will unerringly designate evil for what it is, and
render certain punishment for it. This takes for granted, too, that man can properly and
adequately read the moral cipher of the universe-an assumption which is difficult to
support by an appeal to human moral history.
The most daring form of ethical theory is the
Revelational. It projects for human thought and human acceptance the proposition that the
Good and the Right are grounded, not merely in the structures of the cosmos, but in the
will of a holy and sovereign God, who, grasping fully and completely our needy and limited
predicament, has taken the initiative in disclosing to mankind, in definitive and final
fashion, the major lines and the central drive of that Will. To some this view seems an
insult to man's intelligence; some hold that it indicts him unreasonably of moral weakness
and downright moral perversity. To others, it is the gracious answer to a need which has
been felt by sensitive persons from the dawn of human recorded history.
It need not be labored that the Holiness Movement has
leaned heavily upon this latter form of ethical theory. Out of its orientation in a
tradition which held a high view of the origin and authority of the Holy Scriptures, it
logically recognized (and does today recognize) the moral man-date as being part of the
very core of revealed truth. Further, just as the heart of the message of Christian
Sanctity is that the Divine Spirit, in the work of entire sanctification, does invade the
life, sweep away carnal self-centeredness and twisted egocentricity, so also this
theological emphasis carries with it the profound assertion that the Holy Spirit
simplifies the motivation of the life, bringing all of the currents of the redeemed
personality into a harmonious flowing in the direction of God's good Will.
There is a word which suggests itself wherever the
application of a general ethical system (such as the Revelational, of which we have just
spoken) to the general and concrete in human conduct is attempted. It is the word
'casuistry,' which suggests what 'is generally known as the 'case ethic'. Casuistry
connotes the practice or procedure by which one seeks to deal with cases of conscience,
and by which one seeks to resolve questions of right and wrong by the application of
ethical principles to concrete situations. Now, the term 'casuistry' has fallen upon evil
times: unprincipled practices have set upon it, beaten it, and left it half-dead along the
road.
There are two groups who have taken seriously the matter
of erecting a strategy of conduct upon the basis of a systematic application of ethical
principles to life's complex and varied situations. I refer to the Pharisees and the
Jesuits-group admittedly far apart in general emphasis, but one in their desire to apply
divinely-revealed principles minutely and according to rule.
Reversing these in time sequence, we note the' manner in
which the Jesuit-type of casuistry has been employed. Seeking to produce, in the period at
the end of the Middle Ages and the beginning of the modern era, a 'Christian society,' it
sought to reduce the requirements for being a Christian to a minimum; thus the Jesuit
casuistry came to permit everything which was not expressly and specifically forbidden.
Growing out of quite different historical circumstances, the Pharisees sought to do two
things: first, to modify the seeming brashnesses of the Mosaic Law in a day in which
Judaism was forced more and more onto the world-stage; and second, to protect Judaism
against the encroachments of a lax Hellenism. Pharisaism (which, please be reminded, began
as something of a Jewish 'Holiness Movement') degenerated into a traditionalism which
split hairs, as the New Testament indicates, and which erred at the point of an
undiscriminating' directness in its ethical pronouncements. This led, ultimately, to an
ingrown and gone-to-seed type of casuistry, in which, essentially, everything which was
not specifically permitted was forbidden.
The bearing of this upon the ethic of the Holiness
Movement is quite easy to see. As newer social currents impinged upon the lives of devout
men and women in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (i.e., the forces of
industrialization), they tended to react defensively as they saw their value-systems
threatened. It is not unfair to say that in this defensive reaction, there was a strong
temptation in the direction of the type of casuistry which characterized the Pharisees.
Let it be said at once and in their defense, that within the trend toward the movement for
Christian Sanctity', there came a trend which emphasized a wholesome discipline of
character. It was assumed, correctly we are sure, that the embodiment of the inner purity
of heart in the outward conduct must be assisted and guided by discipline of the personal
life. It was this to which the Quaker poet, Whittier referred in his lines,
'And let our ordered lives confess
The beauty of Thy Peace."
Again, such an admirable form of Christian
administration as the class meeting had for its purpose the cultivation of the disciplined
and self-marshaled life.
There was a temptation, to be sure, to administer
discipline along the lines of an inadequate casuistry. Given the constant impinging of
practices which seemed to be clearly worldly, due to pressure from the society outside, it
was understandable that sensitive Christian leaders should seek to lay down lines which
should serve as safeguards to the younger and less mature among their fellowship.
It requires little historical knowledge to help us
recall that offering the 'easy answer' has upon occasion tempted the ethical thinker
within the Holiness Movement. This temptation was frequently implemented by the evident
presence of abuses or factors or elements which may have been morally neutral or innocent
in themselves. For example, the use of musical instruments did lead to twofold snares for
Christian persons: outside the church they were inseparably connected with the social
dance, which nearly all sensitive Christians regarded as an evil. Within the church, the
simple question of the choice of an organist frequently led to dissension within the body
of believers. The rather natural defensive reaction was to deprecate the use of any
musical instruments in the church, in some cases to ban their use entirely, and in some
cases to extend the prohibition to the homes of Christians.
Honesty demands also that we recognize that at times the
casuistry of the Holiness Movement has tended to be little more than a conservative
reaction to social and technological change. Each new social form, and each major new
invention, has tended to set off a rash of negative mandates. In too many cases, however,
those who spearheaded the resistance to this-or-that new invention (and we forego to
mention any of these) found later that the clock cannot be turned back easily, and that it
is impossible to 'uninvent' anything. The usual history of those who reacted to new
inventions in terms of 'never,' or 'no child of mine,' has been that later they became
less vehement in their position, finally became muted in their opposition, and frequently
they eventually adopted the new device in question.
Much that has been said to this point has had to do with
the temptations which have confronted members of the leadership in the circles of the
Holiness Movement, especially those whose ministry offered wide opportunity for the making
of public statements of a casuistic nature. The discussion would be incomplete without
some positive guidelines for the application of a Christian casuistry. We would propose
the following in this connection:
1. There is demanded a careful discrimination at the
point of what issues are abidingly crucial, and which are transitory.
2. Any true casuistry must recognize the ambiguous
nature of human relationships, and the provisional (temporary) nature of many concrete
situations to which we must speak.
3. The real problem in casuistry, as an applied
discipline, is that of making the transition from love (which is the core of the life of
sanctity) to justice.
4. The technological dynamics of our civilization are
such that there is increasing need for moral and ethical living, as opposed to mere living
according to received patterns and traditions.
5. The progressive elaboration of an ethic for those who
will live "soberly, righteously, and godly, in this present world" (Titus 2:12)
will demand certain very definitely informed attitudes upon the part of those who
undertake it.
II
It is time to note some of the living issues which
confront the one who will embody the life of sanctity in our time. Realism demands that
the life devoted to godliness be lived within the context of responsible participation in
our world, with all of its ambiguities and its hard-nose problems. These problems are
legion, and many of them are inescapable. The ''sensitive saint'' (and can there be any
other kind?) dare not sweep under the rug the disturbing fact that for over a century
since the Civil War, multitudes have been being saved, and many also sanctified wholly, in
wide areas of our society in which nevertheless systematic efforts continue to be made to
exclude from adequate participation in public life over eleven percent of our population
upon the basis of skin color. Not only so: but those professing Christian grace (some at a
very high level) continue to justify racial discrimination, or more hypocritically, to
practice it in the name of "good business."
The so-called 'sexual revolution' promises a continuing
confrontation between accepted practice and the sensitive Christian conscience. Medical
research - and how much we owe to this - progresses apace; and within five years potential
parents will face the free choice, whether or not to permit a pregnancy to continue to
full term. Do-it-yourself measures for the "harmless" termination of pregnancy
(and we doubt whether this can ever be without some serious damage, whether to the body or
to the psyche) are not far away, and your children must live in a world which will be
highly permissive at this point. The sensitive Christian must grapple with this problem.
The author professes to" have no final answer here,
but inclines to believe that no creative solution can be found until at least two factors
be given full recognition: first, that the prevention of conception is qualitatively
different from the termination of a pregnancy, however early; and second, that society has
as heavy a stake in setting safeguards around the life of the unborn as it has in
protecting the lives of its visible citizens. It would seem that while the artificial
regulation of conception (by medically approved means) is increasingly recognized by
realistic and sensitive Christians as permissible, the arbitrary termination of a
pregnancy already begun (except possibly a pregnancy occasioned by violent assault or
incestuous relationship, or clearly jeopardizing the health of the prospective mother) is
to be reprehended. This issue will call for some hardheaded discussion and Spirit-guided
decision in the days ahead.
The problem of sexual deviation seems to mushroom,
possibly in part as a result of the "James Bond (007) Mentality," and (more
probably) due to the loss of the image of masculinity among many males. A 'world
affirming' Church-ism seems to be working hand-in-glove with a sentimental scholarship to
assure us that homosexuality is no more a fault than being left-handed. National and state
legislation seems likely to follow this wrongly-personalistic trend. The Christian
conscience must be increasingly concerned, at the very minimum, with protecting the
insecure and immature in our society (some of whom may be pushed either way - i.e., into
normality or into deviation) from the hardcore and congenital deviate.
Advocates of the doctrine and life of Scriptural
Sanctity have been slow to articulate the problem posed by our innate humanness in the
light of our Lord's words in the Sermon on the Mount which shift the locus of adulterous
or fornicative irregularity from the overt act to the leering look. Admittedly our human
structures are such that our Lord's words impose a heavy (sometimes a punishing) load upon
the male half of our race which is responsible for the initiating of the sex act. This is
not always understood by either men or women.
Our elder and saintly brethren who distinguished
themselves by their preaching upon dress (usually that of the ladies) do not deserve our
scorn, for they attempted, in however limited a fashion, to grapple with this problem a
generation ago. We are called to a more fundamental dealing with this question. Minimal to
this must be: 1) a recognition of the wrong-headed role of the fashion industry in this
regard; and 2) a fuller appreciation of the fact that we are in a world which (as Pitirim
Sorokin is quoted as saying) subjects the average man to several sexual stimuli every
waking hour, and that it is not what enters the eye, or what rises from our humanness to
meet it, but the basic attitude with which our inner nature, gripped by the power and
presence of the Holy Spirit, deals with the stimulative-data that is decisive for our
sanctity. We will, it seems, live for a long time in an aphrodisiac world; and it will be
no simple task to 'walk in white' in the midst of its tar buckets and smudge-pots.
The man or woman who seeks to live the life of sanctity
must recognize the problem posed by affluence in our society. We can no longer afford the
luxury of such oversimplifications as are encased in such expressions as, "After all,
property and money are mere things." In reality, property is an institution,
belonging ultimately to God, and is in 'no case held unconditionally by man. Haggai
reminds us that His are the silver and gold (Hag. 2:8), while the Psalmist remarks that He
possesses "the cattle on a thousand hills" (Ps. 50:10). Not only so, but man
derives property and wealth from the people, as well as from a Divine hand. Thus all
property is derived from sources and is acquired under conditions which the owner has not
himself created.
We never get beyond the need for correctives to a
steel-tipped sense of ownership, and need constant reminder that the selfish use of
property is under God's judgment - whether it be by state or by individual, whether by
sinner or saint. The Christian may well find that a certain amount of ownership
contributes to a sense of dignity and a feeling of security; but no person can in this
life get beyond the potential peril of judging a man's life in terms of "the
abundance of that which he possesses."
The Christian striving for practical sanctity must come
to grips with the problems involved in family life. The family is increasingly jeopardized
by the growing prevalence of extra-marital sex relations, and of perversion of all kinds,
this latter being the more grievous as deviation fails to be regarded as such, and/or is
defended as part of the norm. The Christian must recognize that the problem of the right
relation between man and woman not only lies at the very heart of society and
civilization, but touches very intimately the holy life.
We grant that the home is sometimes made the scapegoat
for the ills of out society. In reality social conditions themselves have contributed
largely to the decadence of the home. But we maintain that the Christian home should and
can surmount its environment and serve as a standard and judge for all that surrounds it.
Be it remembered that no institution, even the home, can hope to survive if it makes a
final adjustment to society.
Marriage is shored up by the seventh commandment. This
"Thou shalt not commit adultery" (Exod. 20:14), and the words, "What . . .
God hath joined together let not man put asunder" (Matt. 19:6), are not the
pronouncements of an oriental despot, but are words written deeply into the nature of man.
The home is designed to be the creative channel for the expression of the sex urge. This
Pauline declaration is not a low view if we take into account the ability of sex within
marriage to lift, ennoble and enrich human life. But this can never be unless the
Christian give full recognition to the unitive or henotic role of the sex relation, set
superbly in the words, "the two shall become one flesh" (Mark 10:8, NAS).
Such a view will highlight the corrosive effects of
extra-marital intimacy, and lift into prominence the superficiality of the exotic 'love
talk' of the societal dropouts, currently called hippies or flower-people. It is by no
means astonishing that many of the Haight-Ashbury group of San Francisco are going home to
recover from hepatitis, impetigo, and venereal disease. The normal and God-given relation
of intimacy between man and wife exacts a fearful toll when exercised with the
irresponsibility which all extra-marital use implies.
Not only must the responsible saint recognize this in
the abstract; but he or she is under heavy obligation to project, in reasoned and
structured and non-squeamish manner, to the young the high legitimacy of sexual intimacy
within marriage, and the destructive and erosive character of extra-marital sex. It is the
measured judgment of this author that the people of the Holiness Movement are still
seeking a constructive and creative sexual ethic.
The picture is by no means entirely dark and forbidding.
Many have cherished the example of parents who, however limited their resources with
respect to overt education at this point, flaunted before us as children their lifelong
fidelity to each other. And how deeply we are indebted to those who showed us, somewhere
along the way of life that purely physical intimate relations are no substitute for those
more comprehensive relations between man and woman (including physical intimacy) which
grow out of a love-related union, or who dangled before us the charm and challenge of the
"special song" which resounds in the heart of the truly married.
Finally, the sensitive Christian lives in tension
between two moralities: 1) the "morality of perfection's challenge"; and 2) the
"morality of my public responsibility." The "morality of perfection's
challenge" is absolute, yet open toward persons - since it demands forgiveness on a
vast scale toward those whose offense is merely personal. The "morality of my public
responsibility" is incomplete, pragmatic, but closed, in the sense that at times it
demands conclusive and firm judgments. In this connection, we must guard against two
dangers: 1) that of reading off God's will too easily; and 2) the sentimentalization of
our public obligation. We must live with this tension, for it is only if we make full and
complete peace with the world that it will vanish - and this price is too high!
Light is cast upon this problem by a letter written by
the parents and kin of a young Korean lad, In Ho Oh. Parts of the letter are as follows:
Pusan, Korea (1958)
Director, Philadelphia Red Cross
Dear Sir:
We, the parents of In Ho Oh, on behalf of our whole
family, deeply appreciate the expressions of sympathy you have extended to us at this
time. In Ho had almost finished the preparation needed for the achievement of his
ambition, which was to serve his people and nation as a Christian statesman . . .
When we heard of his death, we could not believe the
news was true but now we find that it is an undeniable fact that In Ho has been killed by
a gang of . . . boys whose souls were not saved and in whom human nature is paralyzed. We
are sad now, not only because of In Ho's unachieved future, but also because of the
unsaved souls and paralyzed human nature of the murderers.
. . . It is our hope that we may somehow be instrumental
in the salvation of the souls, and in giving life to the human nature of the murderers.
Our family has met together and we have decided to petition that the most generous
treatment possible within the laws of your government be given to those who committed this
criminal action . . .
In order to give evidence of our sincere hope contained
in this petition our whole family has decided to save money to start a fund to be used for
the religious, educational, vocational and social guidance of the boys when they are
released . . .
About the burial of the physical body of him who has
been sacrificed; we hope that you could spare a piece of land in your country and bury it
there, for your land, too, is homeland for Christians . . . We hope in this way to make
his tomb a monument which will call attention of people to this came. We think this is a
way to give life to the dead, and to the murderers, and to keep you and us closer in
Christian love and fellowship.
We are not familiar with your customs and you may find
something hard to understand in what we are trying to say and do. Please interpret our
hope and idea with Christian spirit and in the light of democratic principles. We have
dared to express our hope with a spirit received from the Gospel of our Saviour Jesuws
Christ, who died for our sins.
May God bless you, your people, and particularly the
boys who killed our son and kinsman.
Signed by the father and mother of In Ho Oh,
also two uncles, two aunts, five sisters, two brothers
and nine cousins.
(Printed by permission from Christianity and Crisis,
July 21, 1958)
Here we have it in combination: the "Morality of
Perfection's Challenge" in the free forgiveness, the plea for minimum sentence, and
the offer of rehabilitative help for the killers; and the "Morality of Public
Responsibility" which recognized that the demands of public justice must be met and
the conditions for public order sustained. And who can deny that the spirit of perfect
love, and its concomitant of humility, underlie this letter?
III
In the light of the issues raised in this study, one
asks, is there a sufficiency for these things? Ponder the promise, "If any man lack
wisdom, let him ask of God, who giveth to all men liberally and upbraideth not, and it
shall be given him" and St. Paul's private assurance, "My grace is sufficient
for thee." For, dear Friends, our dark world needs lights, needs them desperately!
We have a message - it is, we are persuaded, as
changeless as God Himself. But it has little worth as a museum piece. The God of Peace,
the universe's Holy Sovereign, has been in the business of building saints for a long time
saints who could live adequately in their times. We are persuaded that He stands
available, with full resources in hand, to build in our demanding age a type of strong,
clear-thinking and fearless saint, fully saved and adequately equipped to weather
creatively the growing ferocity of the moral storm of even this day, and who will be, when
the tempest is over, standing majestic and unbent and unscarred against the eternal sky.
FACING OBJECTIONS RAISED AGAINST BIBUCAL
INERRANCY
W. RALPH THOMPSON, Th.D.
(Chairman, Division of Religion and
Philosophy, Spring Arbor College)
I. Introduction
A study of the history of the church reveals that the
Bible has often been an object of attack. Formerly, Scriptures were feared because they
were believed to be the Word of God; hence the enemy concentrated on prohibiting their
reproduction, dissemination and perusal. Now the strategy is more subtle and distressingly
deadly. The current goal is to destroy the belief that the Scriptures are God's Word. When
men become convinced that the Bible is but a human book, a record of man's religious
strivings and evolution, its authority will be gone. Once sufficient doubt is cast upon
the Bible as a body of objective truth, it will cease to be either an instrument of faith
or a standard of practice. It can be cherished as literature, adorning our tables and
filling our libraries; yet it will be no more authoritative than Aesop's Fables, nor more
relevant than the Analeds of Confucius.
In times of doctrinal crisis, God has raised up men with
incisive minds and consecrated hearts to point up the specious arguments which were being
used, and to point out the way of truth. Such men are needed again.
Prominent terms in the current controversy over
Scriptures are words such as "revelation," inspiration,"
"infallibility," and "inerrancy." Perhaps some definition is
advisable. God has employed three stages in making divine truth known to man. Two of them
were in the past; the other is a continuing present.
The first stage involved the impartation of truth. God
revealed Himself, His will, and His provision to men whom He had chosen for that purpose.
Having received the word of truth, they proclaimed it. The initial act of imparting divine
truth to man is "revelation."
The second stage involved the preservation of the
revelation which had been received. The Apostle Peter appears to have had the latter in
mind when he announced that he would endeavor to make it possible that, to use his words,
"ye may be able after my decease to have these things always in remembrance" (II
Pet. 1:15). That is to say, he intended to record for posterity the divine truth which God
had given him. "Prophecy of scripture," he said, "came not . . . by the
will of man: but holy men of God spake as they were moved by the Holy Ghost." The act
of "moving" (bearing along), that is to say the act of stimulating and
superintending the minds of those men who had been the recipients of divine truth, as they
wrote the things which they had received, is known as "inspiration."
The third stage also involves the work of the Holy
Spirit. When He opens the mind and heart of the reader and illumines the printed page, a
secondary revelation is experienced. In order that the unique quality of the primary
revelation may be preserved, however, this secondary revelation might better be designated
"illumination."
Some pros and cons of the claims that Scriptures are
free from error will be discussed presently in this paper. This freedom from error is
known as "inerrancy." "Biblical inerrancy" is a term that means that
the Bible, at least in its autographs, contains no error.
Some apply this claim of inerrancy only to the doctrines
of the Bible which relate to man's life and salvation. Others believe that it also extends
to biblical references to science and history.
The word "infallible" is sometimes used in
speaking of the absence of error in Scriptures. In this sense the word becomes synonymous
with the word inerrancy. Infallibility is a strong word, however, that many prefer to
employ only when speaking about God.
Now let us consider the basis for the doctrine of
biblical inerrancy.
II. The Doctrine of Biblical Inerrancy
A. The Scriptural Position
The doctrine of biblical inerrancy arises, in the first
place, from the logical premise that the infallible God of Truth would not and could not
direct His human instruments to write anything that is false, even in its minutest
details. Calvinists especially emphasize this point. The doctrine also arises from the
teachings of Scriptures themselves. Let us look at some of those biblical declarations
which seem to support this position.
In the passage in II Peter mentioned above, (1:21), the
Apostle makes it clear that the prophets of Old Testament times did not speak according to
the dictates of their own reason ("not . . . by the will of man"). Rather, they
spoke what God caused them to say ("as they were moved by the Holy Ghost"). This
statement seems to make invalid the argument that the prophets, because they were men,
produced errant writings. The logic of this observation could, but need not, lead to the
dictation theory of inspiration. It appears, however, that the Apostle is discussing only
"prophecy" of Scripture (v. 20): "no prophecy of the scripture is of any
private interpretation." A further look at the context reveals, moreover, that he is
discussing in particular one aspect of prophecy: foretelling, not forthtelling.
That which was proclaimed by God's prophets and
apostles, however, is also described as God's word. Paul makes that quite clear, at least
with respect to his own utterances, when he declares that the word which the Thessalonian
church heard him preach was God's word, not his (II Thess. 2:13). Jesus upheld this same
principle when He said to the Twelve, "He that heareth you heareth me" (Luke
10:16).
The Apostle Peter certainly considered Paul's writings
to be the very Word of God. Speaking of them in his second epistle (3:15-16), he calls
them Scripture ("as they do the other scriptures"). He indicates that Paul wrote
with divine wisdom ("according to the wisdom given to him"). He also states that
to twist Paul's writings is to lose one's soul ("which they wrest . . . unto their
own destruction"). This last is a claim that one would hardly dare to make for errant
or mere human writings.
The Apostle John speaks with no less confidence
concerning the veracity of that which he had written in the fourth Gospel: "This is
the disciple which testifieth of these things, and wrote these things [he says]; and we
know that his testimony is true" (John 22:24).
On one occasion when Paul quoted both from the
Pentateuch and from the Gospels he stated that he was quoting from Scriptures (I Tim.
5:18; cf. Deut. 25:4; Matt. 10:10; Luke 10:7). Thus in effect he called the Gospels
"Scripture."
When the writer of the Epistle to the Hebrews refers to
Old Testament passages, be they from the Law, the Prophets, or the Writings, he almost
invariably puts the words into the mouth of God (Heb. 1:5; cf. Ps. 2:7; II Sam. 7:14; Heb.
1:6; cf. Deut. 32:43, LXX; Heb. 1:7; cf. Ps. 104:4; Heb. l:8; cf. Ps. 45:6,7; Heb. 1:9;
cf. Isa. 61:l; Heb. l:13; cf. Ps. 110:1; etc.). Jesus goes so far at this point as to
imply that a mere comment made by Moses or was it Adam? - and recorded in the Bible
is God speaking (Matt. 19:5; cf. Gen. 2:24). In another setting, Jesus repeats a short Old
Testament statement which focuses attention upon one Old Testament word ("I said, Ye
are gods"), and, in that context, declares that "the scripture cannot be
broken" (John 10:35).
The above are but a few of the many biblical witnesses
to the inerrancy of Scriptures.
B. The Church's Position on Biblical Inerrancy
Until modern times, the church has steadfastly
acknowledged the doctrine of scriptural inerrancy - a fact of considerable importance.
Whether one quotes from the Westminster Catechism, or Calvin, or Wesley, or Clarke, or
Hodge, or Pope, or Strong, or Wiley, the doctrine is essentially the same. Let John
Wesley, in one of his comments on Scripture, speak for them all:
Every part thereof is worthy of God; and all together
are one entire body, wherein is no defect, no excess . . . The language of His messengers,
also, is exact in the highest degree: for the words which were given them accurately
answered to the impressions made upon their minds.1
Commenting on II Timothy 3:16, Wesley writes: "The
Spirit of God not only once inspired those who wrote it [Scriptures], but . . .
supernaturally assists those that read it with earnest prayer."2
Neo-orthodoxy characteristically emphasizes the clement
of "encounter" in its approach to Scriptures. It defines the Bible as a word of
man which may or may not become, for the reader, the Word of God. If and when God reveals
to a given man some truth through the Scriptures, that portion of the Bible becomes the
Word of God for him. Hence neo orthodoxy holds that the Bible as such is not the Word of
God; it simply contains the Word of God; At moments of "encounter" the errant
writings of the Bible become the media through which God speaks.
This view of the Bible tends to be subjective, allowing
those who hold it to deny the validity of those passages through which they themselves
happen not to have had an "encounter." Thus Karl Barth finds no apparent
difficulty in denying the existence of a personal devil, even though the activities of
such a being are often described in the Bible; and even Barth himself admits the practical
inescapableness of the devil's activities.
The neo-orthodox approach to Scriptures destroys them as
an objective standard of truth and authority. It tends to leave every man to do that which
is right in his own eyes. To the degree that the authority of the Scriptures is weakened,
its high standard of ethical requirement disappears. This results in sin's blackness being
neutralized. Confession of sin consequently ceases to be heard, and "Thus saith the
Lord" no longer is proclaimed from the pulpit. Instead, strange forms of doctrinal
error are heard.3 A denial of the objective authority of Scriptures opens the
floodgates, allowing paganism, impurity, and pandemonium to inundate society.
The school of thought headed by the late James Orr of
Britain is an attempt to mediate between the older conservative position, held in more
recent times by men like Hodge and Warfield, and the liberal position which is generally
held by critical scholars. Orr maintains that the goal of inspiration is to communicate
life and knowledge, and he draws support for his position from such Scriptures as II
Timothy 3:1 6b and Psalm 19:7-1l.4 In other words, since Jesus Christ and
salvation are the heart of Scriptures, the doctrine of biblical inerrancy need concern
itself only with those things in the Bible which relate directly to them.
In answer to Orr, the present writer suggests that a
proper position on inerrancy must also take into account those biblical views presented
earlier in this paper.
On the other hand, adherents to the traditional position
would do, well to distinguish more clearly between the thing asserted in Scriptures and
the thing signified. For example, to what extent does poetry in the Bible communicate
truth? Also, one must ask to what extent inspiration applies to the utterances of men like
Job's comforters? Or in what sense is the Book of Ecclesiastes inspired?
Traditional orthodoxy should take the initiative in
acknowledging the problems which critical scholars have raised, and not fight as men with
their backs to the wall. Otherwise, inquiring minds may by-pass them because they seem to
be burying their heads in the sand.
III. Objections to Biblical Inerrancy
The present writer must confess that Scriptures present
a number of problems which, as yet, he has found difficult to reconcile with a strict
doctrine of plenary, verbal inerrancy. The limits of this paper allow for but a few
examples.
A frequent objection to biblical inerrancy is raised
because parallel accounts of events recorded in the Bible sometimes vary. Take, for
example, the inscription on the cross. Clearly, there was but one inscription there,
written in three languages, yet every Gospel writer states it differently. Matthew's
account reads, "This is Jesus the King of the Jews"; Mark's says, "The King
of the Jews"; Luke puts it, "This is the King of the Jews"; while John
writes, "Jesus of Nazareth the King of the Jews." A combination of the four
statements, "This is Jesus of Nazareth the King of the Jews," probably was what
the inscription said, which makes each writer accurate as far as he goes; nevertheless,
none of them, evidently, records the inscription exactly as it was written. If one of them
did, obviously the other three did not. The present writer is still seeking a completely
satisfying solution to this problem.
The problem often is raised too, about the angels at
Jesus' tomb. Matthew and Mark mention but one angel, while Luke speaks of two. Mark says
he was sitting, while Luke has them standing. In response to this apparent discrepancy,
one might say that Matthew and Mark chose to mention only one of the angels while Luke
mentions both; but it is more difficult to account for the differences of position stated
by the gospel writers. Conceivably both may be correct, witnesses having viewed the
angel(s) in successive positions.
Or take Esau's wives. In Genesis 26:34; 28:9 they are
said to have been Judith, the daughter of Been the Hittite: Bashemath the daughter of Elon
the Hittite; and Mahalath, the daughter of Ishmael. Yet in Genesis 36:1-3 where his three
wives are mentioned (one would suppose them to be the same three), the names are
different. In the latter passage, the names of Judith and Mahalath do not appear at all,
while the names of Adah and Aholibamah are introduced. The father of Bashemath is said to
be Ishmael instead of Elon the Hittite, and there is an Anah whose name did not appear in
the first listings. Incidentally, Anah's father is said to have been Zibeon, a Hivite.
It is possible that some of these wives and their
fathers had more than one name. It is possible, too, that the Hittites and Hivites, or at
least a given family among them, were so closely related that their names are used
interchangeably. These answers, however, are mere theories which need substantiation.
Take a more serious critical problem. From the data
presented earlier in this paper, evidence is strong that Jesus and the apostles adhered to
biblical inerrancy. Yet when they quoted Scriptures they quoted from the Septuagint (LXX),
which was the Jewish Bible of the first century A. D. The problem arises when it is
remembered that the LXX was a translation, and anyone familiar with languages knows that a
word-for-word translation is impossible. Furthermore, many of the nuances of the original
are lost in translation. If it be maintained that the LXX was in errant in an absolute
literary sense, it must be asked if the Hebrew manuscript from which it was taken was also
inerrant. It is obvious to one who takes a given passage which Jesus and the apostles may
cite, and compares it with the Hebrew, be it the Massoretic text, the Samaritan text, or
the text of Qumran, that the Hebrew and the LXX do not always say exactly the same thing.
Because of that fact, English readers of such quotes become perplexed when they look them
up in the Old Testament. Which, then, was the inerrant manuscript? To claim absolute
inerrancy only for the autographs still leaves unexplained how Jesus and New Testament
writers could claim inerrancy for the LXX from which they quoted.
Also, it sometimes appears that a New Testament writer
applies an Old Testament passage entirely out of context. Matthew's use of Isaiah 9:1 2
(Matt. 4:12-16) will illustrate. Of course it might be said that the same Spirit who
inspired the words at the beginning, making them fit the context in which the prophet used
them, could have inspired the gospel writer to give them an application which fits his
context. The superintending Spirit is not subject to human rules of hermeneutics.
IV. Conclusions
Since the battle over biblical inerrancy involves
serious problems with which sincere seekers after truth on both sides are occupied, its
significance cannot be dismissed lightly. But even more important is the magnitude of the
results of the outcome of the issue. To renounce the doctrine of biblical inerrancy is to
strip Scriptures of their status as an objective standard of divine truth. Since Christ
and His apostles claimed complete inerrancy for the Scriptures, to renounce the doctrine
is to cast serious doubts upon the Bible's statements about God, the world, the nature and
duty of man, the way of salvation, and man's destiny. Although to accept the doctrine of
biblical inerrancy, at this point at least, is to do so in the face of serious critical
problems, the alternative to doing so is in effect to destroy Christianity itself.
The vital factor in choosing between the alternatives is
not complete understanding of the supports that bridge the chasms along the way of faith,
but a complete trust in the Person who is the object of faith. If His position is not
dependable, then He is neither a safe Guide nor a safe Object.
The problem of biblical inerrancy reminds one of the
question which evidently plagued the Twelve at one point in their training. Jesus had just
announced that only those who ate His flesh and drank His blood could have eternal life
(cf. John 6 :48f.). At this, most of the crowd, including former disciples, lost faith in
Him and looked elsewhere for truth. The Twelve appear to have been perplexed, too. Jesus,
sensing their problem, did not, as many of us would have done, hasten to explain exactly
what He had meant. Instead, He simply asked, "Will ye also go away?" Peter, the
spokesman for the Twelve, responded at once, "Lord, to whom shall we go? thou hast
the words of eternal life. And we believe, and are sure . . .
That is it! Acceptance of the inspiration and inerrancy
of the Word of God rests, in the final analysis, on the foundation of faith. Not blind,
naive acceptance of the unreasonable, but a faith that is reasonable because of the
character of Him in whom it is placed. Because Jesus put His stamp of approval so
categorically upon the inerrancy of Scriptures, one must either accept His point of view
on the matter or discredit Him as a teacher of truth. That we dare not do.
A significant sidelight to the dilemma of the Twelve is
that later Jesus' meaning, when He was speaking of eating His flesh and drinking His
blood, was made clear to them. But faith, in their case, preceded complete understanding.
So it is with the difficult doctrine of biblical
inerrancy. The errant tribunal of human reason, lacking as it does much pertinent data,
declares that at least some utterances of Scripture must be broken; nevertheless, with a
strong faith in the living Word and in the rightness of Jesus' view of Scriptures, one can
leave full understanding of critical problems until later. Happily, the science of
archeology and other disciplines have already answered a significant number of the
questions which critical scholars have raised. It is reasonable to believe that the rest
of the problems will be solved in due time.
In the meantime, it is imperative that the Bible be
considered both as an objective statement of truth and as a medium through which the Holy
Spirit can bring the reader into a direct encounter with God. To approach Scriptures as
objective truth prepares the mind and heart for the subjective experience. Not to approach
them thus raises a barrier which the Spirit must overcome before He can be heard, if
indeed He succeeds in being heard at all. Failure to approach Scriptures as the objective
standard of divine truth conditions the reader to hear the voice of fallible reason or of
carnal desire, voices which the individual may even mistake for the voice of Deity. How
can one "try the spirits whether they be of God" unless there be an objective
standard by which to try them? The holy Scriptures are that standard, that body of
writings which our Lord and His apostles pronounced inerrant.
DOCUMENTATIONS
1John Wesley, Explanatory Notes on the New
Testament (London: Epworth Press, 1941), p. 9.
2Ibid., p. 794.
3Thomas Altizer is reputed to have told Paul
Tillich on the night of the latter's death that his God-is-dead doctrine was the theology
to which he had arrived by following Tillich's teachings to their logical conclusion.
4Cf. Donald Walhout, Interpreting Religion
(Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1963), pp. 348, 349.
THEOLOGY AND BIBLICAL INERRANCY
WILBER T. DAYTON, Th. D
(Chairman, Division of Biblical
Literature,
Asbury Theological Seminary)
Theology begins with an idea of God or with an awareness
of God. Christian theology finds its meaning in the Christ who makes God known in
redemption to man who needs a Saviour. Scriptures are the means used by the self-revealing
God to communicate His redemptive concern and activity in an objective and verifiable way
to His creatures.
I. Inerrant Scriptures Implied In A High View of God
The ability and concern of the Deity will determine the
quality of the Word of God. If God is not able or not disposed to give an adequate
disclosure of Himself in terms understandable to man, the so-called Scriptures can never
rise above human, fallible recording of the history of man or, at most, the imaginations
of men about what God may be like or what His attitude may be toward man. A finite God
would, at best, produce a limited and faulty Scripture. Or a God who did not love with an
everlasting love would give an inadequate Scripture to unworthy and sinful man if he
concerned Himself at all with the human needs.
Therefore, the idea of an inerrant Bible derives
immediately from the idea of an infinite and loving God who, having used every other means
of self-revelation, spoke at last
by his Son, whom he hath appointed heir of all things,
by whom also he made the worlds; Who being the brightness of his glory, and the express
image of his person, and upholding all things by the word of his power, when he had by
himself purged our sins, sat down on the right hand of the Majesty on high (Heb. 1:2, 3
KJV).
The Old Testament is not just a faulty human record of
God's revelation to man. The communication is so intrinsically involved in the revelation
itself that one must say that the Word is that revelation. God spoke (Heb. 1:1). And by
their own constantly repeated insistence, the Old Testament writings are the Word of the
Lord. That Word does not simply report concerning truth. As Jesus said to the Father,
"Thy word is truth" (John 17 :17). It is truth as the Old Testament revelation.
It is truth as the Old Testament predictions of the coming of Christ. It is truth in its
total contents, which support the whole theme of redemptive revelation. It is all truth.
"One jot or one tittle shall in no wise pass from the law till all be fulfilled"
(Matt. 5:18, KJV). While Jesus does not use the late Latin word "inerrant," He
goes beyond the term to its strictest possible application to the Old Testament. The Word
of God cannot fail in the least degree.
II. Inerrant Scriptures Implied In The Authority Of
Jesus Christ
Then out of the advent, person, and work of Jesus flows
the New Testament. The Redeemer, redemption history, and the apostolic witness flow into
one. The result is the New Testament. As the Old Testament (the words about the coming
Jesus) had to be infallibly fulfilled, so these words of Jesus will not pass away (Matt.
24:35). They are the revelation of ultimate and absolute truth, and thus more sure than
the heavens and the earth which belong to the realm of changing phenomena. The New
Testament is also the voice of the living God, deriving its existence and authority from
the living Christ.
Thus, biblical inerrancy derives from theology. The
infinite God and His well-beloved Son alone account for the Scriptures. And their Word is
inerrant.
III. Conversely, Inerrant Scriptures Reveal God And
Christ
The converse is also true. Our knowledge of God and of
His Christ derives from the Scriptures. Modern man would be groping in pagan darkness but
for the revelation of God in the Written Word. If this is not an inerrant Word, there is
no certain knowledge only another tantalizing mythology or human philosophy.
Yes, the circularity of the argument is evident. God is
the source of the inerrant Scriptures and the Scriptures are the source of our knowledge
of God. And who can tell, even in the current Christian community, which dawns first in
the child's consciousness the basic, inevitable awareness of God or the relevance
of the Scriptural witness to God?
IV. Inter-locking A Prioris
Nor does it matter. Man's approach to either God or the
Scriptures is in the realm of the a priori. Only by faith can one be certain of the true
God or of the truthfulness of the testimony of His Word. If one is sure of either, he has
no reason to doubt the other. Conversely, if one disbelieves one, he can find no solid
ground for accepting the other. We have here not one a priori fact and one or two
inferences but two or three interlocking a prioris. Accept any one and the others become
reasonable inferences. But it matters little with which you start. None is proved by
''scientific'' demonstration. Nor does it need to be. Each has its certainty in faith.
Begin with an infinite, loving God and it is reasonable
that He would reveal Himself explicitly in the Redeemer and universalize that revelation
in an utterly reliable set of documents. Begin with Jesus Christ and He will reveal the
Father, of whom He is the express image. He will also imbed this revelation in a totally
relevant and authoritative form accessible to all men. Or begin with the inerrant
Scriptures and there is no room to doubt the infinite, loving God or His well-pleasing
Son. We stand together - not as rival alternatives but as interlocking aspects of one
progressive revelation, addressed primarily to faith. The approach is a priori-not a
posteriori. "Through faith we understand" (Heb. 11:2), and without faith it is
impossible either to approach God or to please Him (Heb. 11:6).
V. Importance Of Biblical Inerrancy To Theology
If an inerrant Bible is related to a high view of God
and to the authority of Jesus Christ, both as a direct implication of them and as our
source of knowledge concerning them, who could deny the importance of biblical inerrancy
to Christian theology? To deny or ignore biblical inerrancy would be to pull out the
keystone and let the whole structure of theology collapse. Certainty could not survive in
any area of doctrine. Man would be left to the subjectivity of his own opinions. The
following ten propositions, together with the brief commentary on them, underscore the
crucial importance of biblical inerrancy to Christian theology.
A. Scripture is the primary source of Christian
theology. In Protestantism at least this is the one point on which more agree than on any
other. All attribute their certainty to a sure Word of God. There was a time, of course,
when the New Testament did not hold this place, simply because it was not yet written.
Even then Jesus and the apostles used the Old Testament constantly to proclaim and to
prove the great truths that were held sacred as from God Himself. Jesus introduced some of
His most radical teachings by the twofold affirmation that He came not to destroy but to
fulfill the Old Testament, and that no part of the Old Testament, however tiny, would fall
short of fulfillment (Matt. 5:17, 18).
When Jesus was defending His life against the charge of
blasphemy involved in claiming to be the Son of God, the common ground between Jesus and
the Jews was the confidence of all that "the scripture cannot be broken" (John
10:35). Thus Paul said with confidence that all Scripture, God-breathed as it is, can be
used with profit for doctrine. Jesus Himself was not content, as the risen Lord, to
proclaim the great truths about Himself in His own words. He opened their understanding
that they might understand the Scriptures in the light of His declarations (Luke
24:44-48).
Following the example of Jesus and the apostles, the
early church taught as authoritative only what the Scriptures said, as enlarged, of
course, to contain the New Testament fulfillment. This has been the hall-mark of a live
and orthodox church through the centuries. As Wesley quotes Luther, "Divinity is
nothing but a grammar of the language of the Holy Ghost."1 The most
significant exception to this approach, the Roman Church, did not so much set aside the
Scriptures as add to them a tradition which they claimed to have preserved from apostolic
times. Only the boldest deviant movements have dared to forego the claim of a biblical
theology. And their lack has generally led to disaster or obscurity.
B. Scripture is the norm for distinguishing between
truth and error, orthodoxy and heresy. Jesus told the crafty Sadducees that the source of
their error was in "not knowing the scriptures." Lacking at this point, they
failed in the practical consideration: neither did they know "the power of God"
(Matt. 22:29). The same norm of truth as opposed to error is everywhere implicit and often
explicit throughout the Scriptures. And the only effective appeal through the centuries by
which the Church has been called back to truth, life, or purity has been a challenge to
return to the Scriptures. No lasting reformation or spiritual revival has found its norm
elsewhere. This is the basic weakness of the more recent movements of Barth, Bultmann, and
Tillich. Other powers may bring change, but only the Scripture really reproves and
corrects (II Tim. 3:16).
C. Scripture gives Christian theology its unique
authority and authenticity. Christian theology, unlike other systems, has not only a
content and a norm, but also an authority from which a valid call may issue for a return
to the truth and to the old paths. Because of a Scripture that claims to be inerrant, it
is possible to believe that a consistency can exist among the various elements of
revelation that extend over many centuries, that are mediated through a variety of men,
that are communicated in at least three different languages, that occur in a variety of
cultures, and that appeared under a variety of governments - good and bad.
The principle of consistency is the authority of
truth-the utterance of the Living God. God's commandments, promises, predictions, and
mighty works show an amazing self-consistency that steers a perfect path through the maze
of man's sin, confusion, and rebellion. No other religion has the benefit of such
authentic control as the inerrant Scriptures. Thus no other religion is in a position to
develop a theology of such authority and authenticity as is possessed by a truly biblical
theology. It is Scripture that gives valid form and preservation to the divine revelation.
D. The authority of Christian theology is based on the
assumption of the utter reliability of the Scriptures. Christianity is a preaching
religion. Its beliefs are not opinions to be discussed in forums but truths to be
proclaimed. On these truths rest the destiny of the hearer, the individual happiness and
effectiveness of the person, and the good of society. The preacher cannot afford to be
wrong in his proclamation. His source must be reliable. The whole Bible, all Scripture,
must be God-breathed and hence profitable in the variety of uses that grow out of its
proclamation. If at any point the Bible is not reliable, it is no stronger than its
weakest link. Scripture would then break under the pressure of real life.
John Wesley compressed life's problems to one. He said,
"I want to know one thing, the way to heaven." The answer is likewise reduced to
one. "God himself has condescended to teach me the way." The way is in one
document. "He hath written it down in a book." So Wesley became a "man of
one book." He said, "O give me that book! At any price, give me the book of God!
I have it: here is knowledge enough for me."2
This certainty concerning the reliability and
effectiveness of the Scriptures is the mark of a truly Christian theology. Revelation
cannot be separated from the God who gave it. God reveals Himself in Scripture. Augustine
puts into the mouth of God the words, "Indeed, O man, what My Scripture says, I
say."3 This conviction of the utter reliability of the Scriptures is the
foundation-stone of theology.
E. This reliability is normally conceived in terms of
inerrancy and infallibility. Examples hardly need to be given. Exceptions within the
Church are mostly related to the modern attacks on the Scriptures by the same
rationalistic biblical criticism that claims to make the Scriptures more understandable.
Wesley's view is typical of the normal approach to the Scriptures when he cries,
"Every part thereof is worthy of God; and all together are one entire body, wherein
is no defect, no excess."4 And again when he says, "Nay, if there be
any mistakes in the Bible there may as well be a thousand. If there be one falsehood in
that book it did not come from the God of truth."5 Who can doubt that this
thorough confidence in the inerrancy of the Scriptures was a vital factor in the
effectiveness of Wesley in his contribution to the great Evangelical Revival?
Luther says in the same vein, "I have learned to
ascribe the honor of infallibility only to those books that are accepted as canonical. I
am profoundly convinced that none of these writers has erred."6 Anglican
documents agree. In The Homilies we read that the Scriptures as a body were "written
by the inspiration of the Holy Ghost" and are thus "the Word of the living
God," "his infallible Word."7 The same idea pervades all parts
of the New Testament, the Church Fathers, and the significant Christian works through the
centuries, in words appropriate to the times.
F. The authority of Jesus Christ is at stake. This
proposition applies in at least three ways. The veracity of Jesus' teaching is at stake.
No one ever spoke more strongly than He about the detailed reliability of the Scriptures.
God would not let one tiniest bit fail of fulfillment (Matt. 5:18). "The scripture
cannot be broken" (John 10:35). Wesley comments: "That is, nothing which is
written therein can be censured or rejected."8 Jesus knew, believed,
studied, expounded, venerated, obeyed, and fulfilled the Scripture. This amounts to
complete endorsement of the Scriptures by both precept and example. If He points us
unwaveringly to the written Word as a firm foundation of our faith and hope, His veracity
is at stake in the decision that is to be made about the complete reliability of the Word.
If He fails us here, we are betrayed.
The authority of Jesus is at stake in another way. If
the Scriptures are not reliable in detail, we know very little about the Jesus who lived
in Palestine. Virtually all that we know of Him is recorded in the Bible. If even part of
the record is unreliable, we have no stick to measure what we can trust and what we
cannot. There would be no stopping point short of Bultmann's conclusion that we know
little or nothing for sure of the historical Jesus.9 All would be colored by
prejudiced reporting or would be under the shadow of uncertainty. He who takes away my
Bible takes away my Lord, and "I know not where they have laid Him" (John
20:13).
In still a third way the authority of Jesus is involved.
In a peculiar sense the New Testament is His book. He chose and commissioned the apostles.
He gave them the power of proxy. Whoever received the apostle was actually so treating the
Master (Matt. 10:40). As witnesses to Christ, and as Spirit-filled interpreters for
Christ, they conveyed to the apostolic church the gospel which was given to them. As the
apostles passed on the tradition which was given to them by the Lord, they believed that
their Spirit inspired witness was Christ Himself speaking. Note Ephesians 4:21, where Paul
says the Ephesians heard Christ and were taught by Him.
To Paul it made no difference whether the tradition was
taught by word or by epistle. The communication and the obligation were the same. (See II
Thess. 2:15.) If the Spirit inspired, apostolic witness to Christ, namely the books of the
New Testament, cannot be accepted as infallibly true, it is not the apostle that is
discredited; it is the Lord Himself. The authority of Jesus is at stake in the question of
the inerrancy of the New Testament.
G. The validity of redemption is likewise at stake. If,
as Jesus Himself repeatedly declared, in harmony with the whole Old and New Testaments,
the purpose of Jesus' coming was as a vicarious Redeemer, the history and authority called
into question are redemption history and redemption authority. If the inerrant facticity
of the biblical accounts cannot be trusted implicitly, which parts can or cannot be so
trusted? Must I choose subjectively, according to my own inclination or philosophic
background? Should I posit the source of redemption history in the truth of God or in the
Gnostic mythology? If there is no sure Word of God that settles the issue straight across
the board, I may, with Bultmann, find the idea of one person's dying for another as
abhorrent to naturalism as is the idea of a fully inspired and inerrant Scripture. But in
that case I would find myself a lost sinner without redemption.
H. Doubt or denial of inerrancy is historically
accompanied by doubt or denial of other basic doctrines, widespread unbelief, a sick
church, and vigorous and triumphant anti-Christian movements. Until recent times such
doubt had little standing in the Church. It is a modern peculiarity that atheists and
agnostics claim to be Christians, and that Christians claim to be atheists and agnostics.
Those who have an inerrant Bible have not found their God dead. He is very much alive. One
wonders if the compromise on the Bible is not the wedge that opened the door for the
massive unbelief that is sweeping over so much of the Church today. One wonders further if
professed Christians can really find a resting place short of complete apostasy on the one
hand or a return to a fully authoritative Word of God on the other. Currents run swiftly
nowadays. One may not have long to wait for the answer.
I. Doubt or denial of inerrancy logically destroys the
basis of Christian theology. If the doctrine of God, the person of Jesus Christ, and the
fact of redemption could not survive with certainty the loss of inerrancy, what logical
expectation is there of preserving any vital doctrine of Christian theology on the basis
of an errant Scripture? To labor the point would be to insult one's intelligence.
J. The hope of Christian theology is in an inerrant
Scripture. The answer is clear. Not only is inerrancy important to Christian theology; it
is essential. The decision of this generation on inerrancy may determine the future of
Christian theology for a long time to come, if Jesus tarries.
DOCUMENTATIONS
1John Wesley, "Preface", Explanatory
Notes Upon the New Testament (London: The Epworth Press, reprinted 1941), p. 9.
2John Wesley, "Preface", Sermons
(3rd American ed), I, 6.
3Augustine, Confessions, xiii, 29.
4John Wesley, "Preface", Explanatory
Notes, p. 9.
5John Wesley, Journal, VI, 117.
6Martin Luther, "Defense Against the
Ill-tempered Judgment of Eck", D. Martin Luthers Werke (Weimar: Hermann Bohlaus
Nachfolger, 1897), 2, 618; cited by John W. Montgomery, Crisis in Lutheran Theology
(Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1967), p. 68.
7"An Information for them which take offence
at certain places of the Holy Scripture", The Homilies, ed. G. E. Corrie,
Cambridge, 1850, pp. 370, 378, 383; quoted by J.I. Packer, God Speaks to Man,
Westminster Press, 1965, p. 21.
8John Wesley, Notes, 1.c.
9Rudolph Bultmann, Form Criticism (New
York: Harper & Brothers, Torch-book, 1962), pp. 20-23.
JOHN FLETCHER'S METHODOLOGY IN
THE ANTINOMIAN CONTROVERSY OF 1770-76
ROBERT A. MATTKE, B.D., M.A.
(Head of Religion Department, Miltonvale
College)
For over two centuries, the name of John Wesley has been
highly honored. He is the acknowledged leader of the Evangelical Revival and is credited
with founding the Methodist Church and giving to it a distinctive theology. Many other
deserving tributes could be paid this man. Without detracting from Wesley's
accomplishments, it needs to be remembered that he had some very able assistants who made
helpful contributions to his success. Today's evangelistic association is not wholly a
twentieth century phenomenon.
Admittedly, the team which John Wesley headed was small
when measured by today's standards. Ernst Sommer points out that by 1765 it was recognized
that at the head of Methodism was a "troika" or, as he calls it, a triumvirate,
John and Charles Wesley and John Fletcher. Luke Tyerman, the biographer of early
Methodism, writes:
John Wesley traveled, formed societies, and governed
them. Charles Wesley composed unequalled hymns for the Methodists to sing; and John
Fletcher, a native of Calvinian Switzerland explained, elaborated and defended the
doctrines they heartily believed.1
Unfortunately, this third man on Wesley's team is a
veritable stranger to many Wesleyan theologians, and this unfamiliarity with John Fletcher
in contemporary Wesleyan circles is regrettable.
Those historians who have not overlooked the
significance of the mutual efforts of those associated with John Wesley describe Fletcher
as the "earliest and fullest expositor and interpreter in English of the Remonstrant
Theology of Arminius; whose works remain the storehouse of its treasures and the armoury
of its defense."2 Another claims that the theology of the Methodist
movement was the theology of John Fletcher of Madeley.3 Abel Stevens, one of
the leading historians of Methodism, has written of Fletcher's Checks: "They have
been more influential in the denomination than Wesley's own controversial writings on the
subject. They have influenced, indirectly through Methodism, the subsequent tone of
theological thought in much of the Protestant world.4 Some writers have seen
fit to call Fletcher "the theologian of Methodism" or "the chief theologian
of the Wesleyans."5
Wesley, who was always judicious in the giving of
praise, readily acknowledges his indebtedness to John Fletcher. Wesley enjoined: "Let
all our preachers carefully read over ours and Mr. Fletcher's tracts."6
The esteem with which Wesley held Fletcher was such that on two different occasions, once
in 1773 and again in 1776, Wesley tried to persuade Fletcher to become his successor.
The following reasons partially explain the scant
attention paid to Fletcher today: the general theological pauperism in Wesleyan circles;
Fletcher's Works are not readily available; few students understand the historical context
in which he wrote and, unfortunately, Fletcher's name bears a stigma because it is
associated with controversy. A failure to understand Fletcher's methodology poses an
additional hindrance. The purpose of this paper is to make some contribution to our
understanding at this point.
John Fletcher's significant contribution to
Wesleyan-Arminian theology came about as a result of his participation in the Antinomian
controversy. As the Evangelical Revival progressed, it soon became apparent that there
were two branches simultaneously developing, one Calvinistic, the other Arminian. In 1770
at the twenty-seventh annual conference of preachers, the following statement was made by
Wesley: "We have leaned too much toward Calvinism."7
This statement caused what was smoldering to burst into
the open flame of the Antinomian controversy. Lady Huntingdon was greatly offended by the
minutes of the 1770 Conference and believed that the fundamental truths of the gospel were
put in jeopardy by them. Walter Shirley, Henry Venn, Richard and Roland Hill and others
aligned themselves with Lady Huntingdon. Until 1770, John Fletcher had been much admired
by Lady Huntingdon; so much so, in fact, that she had made him president of Trevecca
College which she had founded in 1768. Now, because of their theological differences,
Fletcher found it necessary to resign the presidency of this college.
It was after this breach in fellowship that Fletcher
took up his ready pen and began to write his memorable Checks to Antinomianism. Not only
did he write out of a sense of "duty towards God," and towards his "honored
father in Christ, Mr. Wesley, and his misunderstood minutes,"8 but because
of a deep-seated concern for the welfare of the revival. He stated his chief reason for
publishing his first Check thus:
It appears if I am not mistaken that we stand now as
much in need of a reformation from antinomianism as our ancestors did of a reformation
from popery. People, it seems, may now be 'in Christ' without being 'new creatures,'
without casting 'old things' away. They may be God's children without God's image; and
'born of the Spirit' without the fruits of the Spirit.9
Thus it was that Fletcher was firmly convinced that in
evangelical Christianity you could not separate the faith of a Christian from the fruitage
of a Christian life. Fletcher, like Wesley, was supremely interested in practical
Christianity.10
Before we consider the methods Fletcher employed in the
Antinomian controversy, it must be understood that his methodology was not in any way
conditioned by blind partisanship, or by an element of surprise at what was developing in
the Methodist Societies. He was not baffled by the sudden emergence of what might be
falsely called a "new heresy". You cannot detect any frustration on his part as
to what the solution must be. Fletcher did not consider controversy to be a necessarily
evil thing. His position was that "controversy, though not desirable in itself, yet,
properly managed, has a hundred times rescued truth, groaning under the lash of triumphant
error."11
Though emotions ran rampant at times, Fletcher retained
his poise and always manifested a tender spirit. He submitted his First Check to Wesley
before it was published so that all "tart" expressions might be removed from it.
Wesley recorded his evaluation of Fletcher's Checks with these words:
One knows not which to admire most - the purity of the
language, the strength and clearness of the argument, or the mildness and sweetness of the
spirit that breathes throughout the whole.12
Throughout the controversy, Fletcher demonstrated that
he was a man of both sobriety and piety.
Fletcher's methodology in the Antinomian controversy was
based upon a careful historical analysis of the problem. He was aware that from the very
beginnings of the Christian era, Antinomianism has always been a threat to the practical
fulfillment of the Christian life as instituted by the New Covenant of Grace. Admittedly,
the relationship between the moral law and the law of grace is not readily evident.
Immanuel Kant expressed this relationship in terms of a mystery by saying: "Two
things fill the mind with ever increasing wonder and awe, the more often and the more
intensely the mind of thought is drawn to them: the starry heavens above me and the moral
law within me."
In an attempt to meet the ethical demands of the New
Testament, some of the early Christians turned to mysticism, asceticism, or to any one of
a great number of heresies.13 By way of example, the Marcionites taught
"that the God preached by the Law and the Prophets, was not the Father of our Lord
Jesus Christ. The one was known, the other unknown; the one righteous, and the other
good."14 William James writes: "The heretics who went before the
Reformation are lavishly accused by church writers of antinomian practices."15
It is an accepted fact that by the sixteenth century the
predominant emphasis in the church was upon a "work righteousness." Luther's
reaction against this form of salvation supposedly achieved by means of meritorious works
precipitated the Reformation. Just as the pendulum has the tendency to swing in the
opposite direction, so Luther came dangerously close to an exclusive emphasis upon
"faith." At first he found difficulty in reconciling the emphasis of Paul with
that of James, and at this stage he preferred the teachings of Paul because he did not yet
fully understand either Paul or James.16 It must be remembered that as Luther
recoiled from the theological errors of his day, his emotions temporarily blinded him to
an understanding of how the emphasis of Paul and James could be reconciled.
More basic to the problem, however, was Luther's
proclivity to Augustinianism in which he had been so thoroughly schooled. Not wanting to
detract from Luther's courageous performance in the Reformation, John Fletcher ventures to
say,
He was so busy in opposing the pope of Rome, his
indulgences, Latin masses, and other monastic fooleries, that he did not find time to
oppose the Augustinian fooleries of fatalism, Manichean necessity, lawless grace, and free
wrath.17
In this period of turmoil, the humanism of Desiderius
Erasmus with its emphasis upon free will failed to be of any help to Luther because it
erred on the side of Pelagianism.
Thus an ancient conflict of the early fifth century is
renewed. Pelagius, a British monk, gave great prominence to the ability of man to save
himself. St. Augustine was his chief assailant and fought the Pelagian heresy with an
emphasis upon the free grace of God. In this justifiable controversy, it was Fletcher's
judgment that Augustine's view of grace was not wholly orthodox, especially where it gave
rise to predestination.18 Thus Augustine's corrective emphasis came short of
achieving the equilibrium of the gospel in describing the God-man relationship.
When Calvin arrived on the Reformation scene, he
likewise failed to find a mediating position with regard to the "holy doctrines of
grace, and the gracious doctrines of justice."19 His Augustinian teachings
continued to aggravate the controversy in which
Luther and Erasmus had been the chief disputants. The
first reformer to balance the "Gospel ., axioms was, according to the viewpoint of
John Fletcher, the English reformer Thomas Cranmer who had written these lines:
All men be monished and chiefly preachers, that, in this
high matter, they, looking on both sides (i.e. looking both to the doctrines of grace and
the doctrines of justice), so attemper and moderate themselves, that neither they so
preach the grace of God (with heated Augustine), that they take away thereby free-will,
nor on the other side so extol free-will (with heated Pelagius), that injury be done to
the grace of God.20
Because of the Augustinian sentiments in Reformation
circles on the continent, the Roman Catholics in launching the counter-reformation
soft-pedaled their veneration for Augustine to the extent that following the Council of
Trent they became decidedly more Pelagian. Thus both branches of Western Christendom were
driven "still farther from the line of Scripture moderation."21
According to Fletcher, the unpleasant result was:
That in the popish countries, those who stood up for
faith and distinguishing free grace began to be called heretics, Lutherans, and
Solifidians: while. in Protestant countries, those who had the courage to maintain the
doctrines of justice, good works, and unnecessitated obedience, were branded as Papists,
merit mongers, and heretics.22
In his review of history, Fletcher pointed to the
seventeenth century saying that Arminianism within Protestantism and Jansenism within
Roman Catholicism were both movements whose intention was to check the excesses to which
these respective branches of Christendom were addicted. The Synod of Dort (1618-1619)
condemned Arminius for his leadership in a reaction aimed at scholastic Calvinism's
failure to recognize fully the significance of human responsibility. Cornelius Jansen's
attempt to bring into focus the Augustinian concept of grace especially within the Society
of Jesus came to be known as Jansenism. Although both movements were officially condemned,
all was not lost, however, for as Fletcher observes, "truth shall stand, be it ever
so much opposed by either partial Protestants or partial papists."23
Fletcher believed that the problem of antinomianism in
early Methodism was quite properly analogous to a similar problem which confronted the
Presbyterians in the seventeenth century. It is for this reason that Fletcher's Works are
replete with references to the works of the more moderate Puritan or Non-Conformist
divines (e.g., Richard Baxter, Matthew Henry, John Flavel, Daniel Williams, Philip
Doddridge). He also quotes from Bishop Lancelot Andrewes who represents the so-called
Arminians of the Caroline divines.
Thus it was Fletcher's conclusion that the great central
problems of theology change far less in matter and substance than in form and temper as
they appear in history's successive ages. These problems dress themselves up in a new garb
and outwardly they appear to be transformed. In more recent times, an English scholar
verifies Fletcher's conclusion by saying:
Under the new names of Rationalism and Romanticism, we
recognize the old antagonisms of free-will and predestination which at one era bore the
names of Pelagianism and Augustinianism, and, at another, Arminianism and Calvinism.24
Fletcher's incisive study of history convinced him that
Antinomianism became a threat to sound evangelical doctrine whenever the polarity between
divine sovereignty and human responsibility was neutralized. To avoid this subtle pitfall,
he believed that responsible theologians must bring themselves to an acceptance of the
paradox.
In most cases, the Christian scholar's background in
Aristotelian logic is a serious handicap in any understanding of the paradox. The natural
temptation is to want to relieve the tension. David Shipley observes that the usual method
is to take one truth and explain it "in terms of the other so that the dialectical
tension is lost or lessened sufficiently to make possible popular uncritical
perversion."25 Thus it is with ease that the theologian can put an
irreconcilable opposition between two equal truths to the end that he cancels them both
out.
After a careful historical analysis of theological
movements in the Christian church, Fletcher develops in the Antinomian controversy a
methodology which accepts the reality of the paradox. Gertrude Huehns categorically states
that "research has repeatedly pointed out that one of the main reasons for the
victory of Christianity over other competing sacrificial mythologies was its
paradoxicality."26
Accepting the element of paradox and recognizing the
difficulty of making clear-cut distinctives between opposition and complementarity,
Fletcher proceeds to develop a methodology which has been called the "via
media", or "the middle way." In his words he called it, "the
harmonious opposition of the Scriptures." In more recent times this method has been
called "dialectical."27
Fletcher's methodology undoubtedly grew out of his
peculiar conception of the nature of Truth, which he maintained is an organic unity.
"Truth," he says, "is confined within her firm bounds; nay, there is a
middle line equally distant from all extremes; on that line she stands, and to miss her,
you need only step over it to the right hand or to the left."28
During the course of the Antinomian controversy,
Fletcher's dialectical methodology became the hermeneutical principle which he used in the
exegesis of Scripture. When he was confronted with seeming contradictions in the
Scriptures and differences of interpretation among individual Christians and theological
groups, this was the method by which he sought a reconciliation. For example he cites
Romans 4:5 and 5:1 which indicate that man is justified by faith. It is equally as
important that the mind be confronted with John 6:27 which is a command of Jesus Christ to
"labor [ergazesthe, literally, 'work'] for the meat that endureth to everlasting
life."29
Any proof-text method not balanced by this dialectical
methodology was thought by Fletcher to be potentially dangerous. To him this would be
"wresting the Scriptures to one's own destruction" (I Pet. 3:6).
Fletcher's methodology gave him some keen insights into
the Antinomian problem. He was able to appraise the current situation by saying,
"Once we were in immediate danger of splitting upon 'works without faith': Now we are
threatened with destruction from 'faith without works'."30 He accounts for
the fact that Antinomianism had again raised its ugly head because of Calvinism's
one-sided emphasis upon Christ as the dispenser of grace and thus its preoccupation with
only 'the first Gospel axiom," or justification by faith in the day of salvation. In
contradistinction the rigid Arminian position imprisoned Christ within the context of the
law and thus it was preoccupied with the "second Gospel axiom," a second
justification by works. Fletcher insisted that both gospel axioms were complementary and
must be held together theologically, and in practice by emphasizing Christ in all of His
offices. Thus Fletcher wrote:
If I may compare the Gospel Truth to the child contended
for in the days of Solomon, both parties, while they divide, inadvertently destroy it. We,
like the true mother, are for no division. Standing upon the middle Scriptural line, we
embrace and hold first both Gospel axioms. With the Calvinists, we give God in Christ all
the glory of our salvation; and, with the moralists, we take care not to give him in Adam
any of the share in our damnation.31
Fletcher's doctrine of a "second justification by
works" must be understood as the means by which he sought to reawaken the Antinomians
and to encourage believers to pursue a life of holiness. His explanation of the doctrine
is that initial justification or conversion is by faith alone; justification at the day of
judgment will be only by the works of faith. His prayer was that the "merciful Keeper
of Israel" would save from both extremes by a living faith, legally productive of all
good works, or by good works, evangelically springing from a living faith."32
The current interest in ecumenicity is calling for a
reappraisal of Fletcher's methodology. Because he was a mediating theologian, it is
believed that he has something significant to offer to our contemporary situation. If this
interest reflects a genuine quest for truth, then these words from Fletcher's pen are
worthy of careful study:
Mankind are prone to run into extremes. The world is
full of men who always overdo or underdo. Few people ever find the line of moderation, the
golden mean; and of those who do, few stay long upon it. One blast or another of vain
doctrine soon drives them east or west from the meridian of pure truth.33
If this evaluation of mankind's tendencies appears to be
too pessimistic, it is only fair to Fletcher to add that he would balance this
"pessimism of nature" with an "optimism of grace."34
Because Antinomianism is one of the very real problems
in our contemporary society, Fletcher's Checks to Antinomianism are taking on a new
relevancy. Churchmen of the twentieth century need to avail themselves of whatever they
can find of value in Fletcher's methodology.
There is a small minority of people in our modern
society who is concerned about our Antinomian problem and is sounding an alarm. Robert E.
Fitch, professor of Christian ethics at the Pacific School of Religion, is one of them,
and he writes a description of the widespread erosion of authority. He says:
Of course, I have in mind primarily moral authority . .
. The erosion of this authority has taken place partly under allegedly democratic and
egalitarian theories that we're all equal and nobody's any better than anybody else,
partly under the impact of relativistic teachings in history, anthropology and philosophy
that say everything is relative to the culture and there's no objective standard of right
and wrong, truth and falsehood.35
So widespread is this lawlessness that it respects
neither the "radical right" nor the "existential left." Fitch
continues:
Any number of 'liberals' and 'radicals' believe
passionately in this same proposition . . . This inordinate love of liberty apart from
law, apart from social structure and order, which is not the classical pattern of liberty
in either England or America. So you have a kind of individualistic, egoistic liberty,
that destroys self.36
It is believed that the cause of today's widespread
Antinomianism can be laid at the door of existentialism. L. Harold De Wolf suggests this
when he writes:
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