BOOK XIII
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF EIGHTY-TWO YEARS,
FROM THE DEATH OF JUDAS MACCABEUS TO THE DEATH OF QUEEN ALEXANDRA.
CHAPTER 1
HOW JONATHAN TOOK THE GOVERNMENT AFTER HIS BROTHER JUDAS; AND
HOW HE, TOGETHER WITH HIS BROTHER SIMON, WAGED WAR AGAINST BACCHIDES.
1. BY what means the nation of the Jews recovered their freedom
when they had been brought into slavery by the Macedonians, and
what struggles, and how great battles, Judas, the general of their
army, ran through, till he was slain as he was fighting for them,
hath been related in the foregoing book; but after he was dead,
all the wicked, and those that transgressed the laws of their
forefathers, sprang up again in Judea, and grew upon them, and
distressed them on every side. A famine also assisted their wickedness,
and afflicted the country, till not a few, who by reason of their
want of necessaries, and because they were not able to bear up
against the miseries that both the famine and their enemies brought
upon them, deserted their country, and went to the Macedonians.
And now Bacchides gathered those Jews together who had apostatized
from the accustomed way of living of their forefathers, and chose
to live like their neighbors, and committed the care of the country
to them, who also caught the friends of Judas, and those of his
party, and delivered them up to Bacchides, who when he had, in
the first place, tortured and tormented them at his pleasure,
he, by that means, at length killed them. And when this calamity
of the Jews was become so great, as they had never had experience
of the like since their return out of Babylon, those that remained
of the companions of Judas, seeing that the nation was ready to
be destroyed after a miserable manner, came to his brother Jonathan,
and desired him that he would imitate his brother, and that care
which he took of his countrymen, for whose liberty in general
he died also; and that he would not permit the nation to be without
a governor, especially in those destructive circumstances wherein
it now was. And where Jonathan said that he was ready to die for
them, and esteemed no inferior to his brother, he was appointed
to be the general of the Jewish army.
2. When Bacchides heard this, and was afraid that Jonathan might
be very troublesome to the king and the Macedonians, as Judas
had been before him, he sought how he might slay him by treachery.
But this intention of his was not unknown to Jonathan, nor to
his brother Simon; but when these two were apprized of it, they
took all their companions, and presently fled into that wilderness
which was nearest to the city; and when they were come to a lake
called Asphar, they abode there. But when Bacchides was sensible
that they were in a low state, and were in that place, he hasted
to fall upon them with all his forces, and pitching his camp beyond
Jordan, he recruited his army. But when Jonathan knew that Bacchides
Was coming upon him, he sent his brother John, who was also called
Gaddis, to the Nabatean Arabs, that he might lodge his baggage
with them until the battle with Bacchides should be over, for
they were the Jews' friends. And the sons of Ambri laid an ambush
for John from the city Medaba, and seized upon him, and upon those
that were with him, and plundered all that they had with them.
They also slew John, and all his companions. However, they were
sufficiently punished for what they now did by John's brethren,
as we shall relate presently.
3. But when Bacchides knew that Jonathan had pitched his camp
among the lakes of Jordan, he observed when their sabbath day
came, and then assaulted him, [as supposing that he would not
fight because of the law for resting on that day]: but he exhorted
his companions [to fight]; and told them that their lives were
at stake, since they were encompassed by the river, and by their
enemies, and had no way to escape, for that their enemies pressed
upon them from before, and the river was behind them. So after
he had prayed to God to give them the victory, he joined battle
with the enemy, of whom he overthrew many; and as he saw Bacchides
coming up boldly to him, he stretched out his right hand to smite
him; but the other foreseeing and avoiding the stroke, Jonathan
with his companions leaped into the river, and swam over it, and
by that means escaped beyond Jordan while the enemies did not
pass over that river; but Bacchides returned presently to the
citadel at Jerusalem, having lost about two thousand of his army.
He also fortified many cities of Judea, whose walls had been demolished;
Jericho, and Emmaus, and Betboron, and Bethel, and Tinma, and
Pharatho, and Tecoa, and Gazara, and built towers in every one
of these cities, and encompassed them with strong walls, that
were very large also, and put garrisons into them, that they might
issue out of them, and do mischief to the Jews. He also fortified
the citadel at Jerusalem more than all the rest. Moreover, he
took the sons of the principal Jews as pledges, and hut them up
in the citadel, and in that manner guarded it.
4. About the same time one came to Jonathan, and to his brother
Simon, and told them that the sons of Ambri were celebrating a
marriage, and bringing the bride from the city Gabatha, who was
the daughter of one of the illustrious men among the Arabians,
and that the damsel was to be conducted with pomp, and splendor,
and much riches: so Jonathan and Simon thinking this appeared
to be the fittest time for them to avenge the death of their brother,
and that they had forces sufficient for receiving satisfaction
from them for his death, they made haste to Medaba, and lay in
wait among the mountains for the coming of their enemies; and
as soon as they saw them conducting the virgin, and her bridegroom,
and such a great company of their friends with them as was to
be expected at this wedding, they sallied out of their ambush,
and slew them all, and took their ornaments, and all the prey
that then followed them, and so returned, and received this satisfaction
for their brother John from the sons of Ambri; for as well those
sons themselves, as their friends, and wives, and children that
followed them, perished, being in number about four hundred.
5. However, Simon and Jonathan returned to the lakes of the river,
and abode there. But Bacchides, when he had secured all Judea
with his garrisons, returned to the king; and then it was that
the affairs of Judea were quiet for two years. But when the deserters
and the wicked saw that Jonathan and those that were with him
lived in the country very quietly, by reason of the peace, they
sent to king Demetrius, and excited him to send Bacchides to seize
upon Jonathan, which they said was to be done without any trouble,
and in one night's time; and that if they fell upon them before
they were aware, they might slay them all. So the king sent Bacchides,
who, when he was come into Judea, wrote to all his friends, both
Jews and auxiliaries, that they should seize upon Jonathan, and
bring him to him; and when, upon all their endeavors, they were
not able to seize upon Jonathan, for he was sensible of the snares
they laid for him, and very carefully guarded against them, Bacchides
was angry at these deserters, as having imposed upon him, and
upon the king, and slew fifty of their leaders: whereupon Jonathan,
with his brother, and those that were with him, retired to Bethagla,
a village that lay in the wilderness, out of his fear of Bacchides.
He also built towers in it, and encompassed it with walls, and
took care that it should be safely guarded. Upon the hearing of
which Bacchides led his own army along with him, and besides took
his Jewish auxiliaries, and came against Jonathan, and made an
assault upon his fortifications, and besieged him many days; but
Jonathan did not abate of his courage at the zeal Bacchides used
in the siege, but courageously opposed him. And while he left
his brother Simon in the city to fight with Bacchides, he went
privately out himself into the country, and got a great body of
men together of his own party, and fell upon Bacchides's camp
in the night time, and destroyed a great many of them. His brother
Simon knew also of this his falling upon them, because he perceived
that the enemies were slain by him; so he sallied out upon them,
and burnt the engines which the Macedonians used, and made a great
slaughter of them. And when Bacchides saw himself encompassed
with enemies, and some of them before and some behind him, he
fell into despair and trouble of mind, as confounded at the unexpected
ill success of this siege. However, he vented his displeasure
at these misfortunes upon those deserters who sent for him from
the king, as having deluded him. So he had a mind to finish this
siege after a decent manner, if it were possible for him so to
do, and then to return home.
6. When Jonathan understood these his intentions, he sent ambassadors
to him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance, and
that they might restore those they had taken captive on both sides.
So Bacchides thought this a pretty decent way of retiring home,
and made a league of friendship with Jonathan, when they sware
that they would not any more make war one against another. Accordingly,
he restored the captives, and took his own men with him, and returned
to the king at Antioch; and after this his departure, he never
came into Judea again. Then did Jonathan take the opportunity
of this quiet state of things, and went and lived in the city
Michmash; and there governed the multitude, and punished the wicked
and ungodly, and by that means purged the nation of them.
CHAPTER 2.
HOW ALEXANDER [BALA] IN HIS WAR WITH DEMETRIUS, GRANTED JONATHAN
MANY ADVANTAGES AND APPOINTED HIM TO BE HIGH PRIEST AND PERSUADED
HIM TO ASSIST HIM ALTHOUGH DEMETRIUS PROMISED HIM GREATER ADVANTAGES
ON THE OTHER SIDE. CONCERNING THE DEATH OF DEMETRIUS.
1. NOW in the hundred and sixtieth year, it fell out that Alexander,
the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, (1) came up into Syria, and took
Ptolemais the soldiers within having betrayed it to him; for they
were at enmity with Demetrius, on account of his insolence and
difficulty of access; for he shut himself up in a palace of his
that had four towers which he had built himself, not far from
Antioch and admitted nobody. He was withal slothful and negligent
about the public affairs, whereby the hatred of his subjects was
the more kindled against him, as we have elsewhere already related.
When therefore Demetrius heard that Alexander was in Ptolemais,
he took his whole army, and led it against him; he also sent ambassadors
to Jonathan about a league of mutual assistance and friendship,
for he resolved to be beforehand with Alexander, lest the other
should treat with him first, and gain assistance from him; and
this he did out of the fear he had lest Jonathan should remember
how ill Demetrius had formerly treated him, and should join with
him in this war against him. He therefore gave orders that Jonathan
should be allowed to raise an army, and should get armor made,
and should receive back those hostages of the Jewish nation whom
Baechides had shut up in the citadel of Jerusalem. When this good
fortune had befallen Jonathan, by the concession of Demetrius,
he came to Jerusalem, and read the king's letter in the audience
of the people, and of those that kept the citadel. When these
were read, these wicked men and deserters, who were in the citadel,
were greatly afraid, upon the king's permission to Jonathan to
raise an army, and to receive back the hostages. So he delivered
every one of them to his own parents. And thus did Jonathan make
his abode at Jerusalem, renewing the city to a better state, and
reforming the buildings as he pleased; for he gave orders that
the walls of the city should be rebuilt with square stones, that
it might be more secure from their enemies. And when those that
kept the garrisons that were in Judea saw this, they all left
them, and fled to Antioch, excepting those that were in the city
Bethsura, and those that were in the citadel of Jerusalem, for
the greater part of these was of the wicked Jews and deserters,
and on that account these did not deliver up their garrisons.
2. When Alexander knew what promises Demetrius had made Jonathan,
and withal knew his courage, and what great things he had done
when he fought the Macedonians, and besides what hardships he
had undergone by the means of Demetrius, and of Bacchides, the
general of Demetrius's army, he told his friends that he could
not at present find any one else that might afford him better
assistance than Jonathan, who was both courageous against his
enemies, and had a particular hatred against Demetrius, as having
both suffered many hard things from him, and acted many hard things
against him. If therefore they were of opinion that they should
make him their friend against Demetrius, it was more for their
advantage to invite him to assist them now than at another time.
It being therefore determined by him and his friends to send to
Jonathan, he wrote to him this epistle: "King Alexander to
his brother Jonathan, sendeth greeting. We have long ago heard
of thy courage and thy fidelity, and for that reason have sent
to thee, to make with thee a league of friendship and mutual assistance.
We therefore do ordain thee this day the high priest of the Jews,
and that thou beest called my friend. I have also sent thee, as
presents, a purple robe and a golden crown, and desire that, now
thou art by us honored, thou wilt in like manner respect us also."
3. When Jonathan had received this letter, he put on the pontifical
robe at the time of the feast of tabernacles, (2) four years after
the death of his brother Judas, for at that time no high priest
had been made. So he raised great forces, and had abundance of
armor got ready. This greatly grieved Demetrius when he heard
of it, and made him blame himself for his slowness, that he had
not prevented Alexander, and got the good-will of Jonathan, but
had given him time so to do. However, he also himself wrote a
letter to Jonathan, and to the people, the contents whereof are
these: "King Demetrius to Jonathan, and to the nation of
the Jews, sendeth greeting. Since you have preserved your friendship
for us, and when you have been tempted by our enemies, you have
not joined yourselves to them, I both commend you for this your
fidelity, and exhort you to continue in the same disposition,
for which you shall be repaid, and receive rewards from us; for
I will free you from the greatest part of the tributes and taxes
which you formerly paid to the kings my predecessors, and to myself;
and I do now set you free from those tributes which you have ever
paid; and besides, I forgive you the tax upon salt, and the value
of the crowns which you used to offer to me (3) and instead of
the third part of the fruits [of the field], and the half of the
fruits of the trees, I relinquish my part of them from this day:
and as to the poll-money, which ought to be given me for every
head of the inhabitants of Judea, and of the three toparchies
that adjoin to Judea, Samaria, and Galilee, and Peres, that I
relinquish to you for this time, and for all time to come. I will
also that the city of Jerusalem be holy and inviolable, and free
from the tithe, and from the taxes, unto its utmost bounds. And
I so far recede from my title to the citadel, as to permit Jonathan
your high priest to possess it, that he may place such a garrison
in it as he approves of for fidelity and good-will to himself,
that they may keep it for us. I also make free all those Jews
who have been made captives and slaves in my kingdom. I also give
order that the beasts of the Jews be not pressed for our service;
and let their sabbaths, and all their festivals, and three days
before each of them, be free from any imposition. In the same
manner, I set free the Jews that are inhabitants of my kingdom,
and order that no injury be done them. I also give leave to such
of them as are willing to list themselves in my army, that they
may do it, and those as far as thirty thousand; which Jewish soldiers,
wheresoever they go, shall have the same pay that my own army
hath; and some of them I will place in my garrisons, and some
as guards about mine own body, and as rulers over those that are
in my court. I give them leave also to use the laws of their forefathers,
and to observe them; and I will that they have power over the
three toparchies that are added to Judea; and it shall be in the
power of the high priest to take care that no one Jew shall have
any other temple for worship but only that at Jerusalem. I bequeath
also, out of my own revenues, yearly, for the expenses about the
sacrifices, one hundred and fifty thousand [drachmae]; and what
money is to spare, I will that it shall be your own. I also release
to you those ten thousand drachmae which the kings received from
the temple, because they appertain to the priests that minister
in that temple. And whosoever shall fly to the temple at Jerusalem,
or to the places thereto belonging, or who owe the king money,
or are there on any other account, let them be set free, and let
their goods be in safety. I also give you leave to repair and
rebuild your temple, and that all be done at my expenses. I also
allow you to build the walls of your city, and to erect high towers,
and that they be erected at my charge. And if there be any fortified
town that would be convenient for the Jewish country to have very
strong, let it be so built at my expenses."
4. This was what Demetrius promised and granted to the Jews by
this letter. But king Alexander raised a great army of mercenary
soldiers, and of those that deserted to him out of Syria, and
made an expedition against Demetrius. And when it was come to
a battle, the left wing of Demetrius put those who opposed them
to flight, and pursued them a great way, and slew many of them,
and spoiled their camp; but the right wing, where Demetrius happened
to be, was beaten; and as for all the rest, they ran away. But
Demetrius fought courageously, and slew a great many of the enemy;
but as he was in the pursuit of the rest, his horse carried him
into a deep bog, where it was hard to get out, and there it happened,
that upon his horse's falling down, he could not escape being
killed; for when his enemies saw what had befallen him, they returned
back, and encompassed Demetrius round, and they all threw their
darts at him; but he, being now on foot, fought bravely. But at
length he received so many wounds, that he was not able to bear
up any longer, but fell. And this is the end that Demetrius came
to, when he had reigned eleven years, (4) as we have elsewhere
related.
CHAPTER 3.
THE FRIENDSHIP THAT WAS BETWEEN ONIAS AND PTOLEMY PHILOMETOR;
AND HOW ONIAS BUILT A TEMPLE IN EGYPT LIKE TO THAT AT JERUSALEM.
1. BUT then the son of Onias the high priest, who was of the same
name with his father, and who fled to king Ptolemy, who was called
Philometor, lived now at Alexandria, as we have said already.
When this Onias saw that Judea was oppressed by the Macedonians
and their kings, out of a desire to purchase to himself a memorial
and eternal fame he resolved to send to king Ptolemy and queen
Cleopatra, to ask leave of them that he might build a temple in
Egypt like to that at Jerusalem, and might ordain Levites and
priests out of their own stock. The chief reason why he was desirous
so to do, was, that he relied upon the prophet Isaiah, who lived
above six hundred years before, and foretold that there certainly
was to be a temple built to Almighty God in Egypt by a man that
was a Jew. Onias was elevated with this prediction, and wrote
the following epistle to Ptolemy and Cleopatra: "Having done
many and great things for you in the affairs of the war, by the
assistance of God, and that in Celesyria and Phoenicia, I came
at length with the Jews to Leontopolis, and to other places of
your nation, where I found that the greatest part of your people
had temples in an improper manner, and that on this account they
bare ill-will one against another, which happens to the Egyptians
by reason of the multitude of their temples, and the difference
of opinions about Divine worship. Now I found a very fit place
in a castle that hath its name from the country Diana; this place
is full of materials of several sorts, and replenished with sacred
animals; I desire therefore that you will grant me leave to purge
this holy place, which belongs to no master, and is fallen down,
and to build there a temple to Almighty God, after the pattern
of that in Jerusalem, and of the same dimensions, that may be
for the benefit of thyself, and thy wife and children, that those
Jews which dwell in Egypt may have a place whither they may come
and meet together in mutual harmony one with another, and he subservient
to thy advantages; for the prophet Isaiah foretold that "there
should be an altar in Egypt to the Lord God; (5) and many other
such things did he prophesy relating to that place."
2. And this was what Onias wrote to king Ptolemy. Now any one
may observe his piety, and that of his sister and wife Cleopatra,
by that epistle which they wrote in answer to it; for they laid
the blame and the transgression of the law upon the head of Onias.
And this was their reply: "King Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra
to Onias, send greeting. We have read thy petition, wherein thou
desirest leave to be given thee to purge that temple which is
fallen down at Leontopolis, in the Nomus of Heliopolis, and which
is named from the country Bubastis; on which account we cannot
but wonder that it should be pleasing to God to have a temple
erected in a place so unclean, and so full of sacred animals.
But since thou sayest that Isaiah the prophet foretold this long
ago, we give thee leave to do it, if it may be done according
to your law, and so that we may not appear to have at all offended
God herein."
3. So Onias took the place, and built a temple, and an altar to
God, like indeed to that in Jerusalem, but smaller and poorer.
I do not think it proper for me now to describe its dimensions
or its vessels, which have been already described in my seventh
book of the Wars of the Jews. However, Onias found other Jews
like to himself, together with priests and Levites, that there
performed Divine service. But we have said enough about this temple.
4. Now it came to pass that the Alexandrian Jews, and those Samaritans
who paid their worship to the temple that was built in the days
of Alexander at Mount Gerizzim, did now make a sedition one against
another, and disputed about their temples before Ptolemy himself;
the Jews saying that, according to the laws of Moses, the temple
was to be built at Jerusalem; and the Samaritans saying that it
was to be built at Gerizzim. They desired therefore the king to
sit with his friends, and hear the debates about these matters,
and punish those with death who were baffled. Now Sabbeus and
Theodosius managed the argument for the Samaritans, and Andronicus,
the son of Messalamus, for the people of Jerusalem; and they took
an oath by God and the king to make their demonstrations according
to the law; and they desired of Ptolemy, that whomsoever he should
find that transgressed what they had sworn to, he would put him
to death. Accordingly, the king took several of his friends into
the council, and sat down, in order to hear what the pleaders
said. Now the Jews that were at Alexandria were in great concern
for those men, whose lot it was to contend for the temple at Jerusalem;
for they took it very ill that any should take away the reputation
of that temple, which was so ancient and so celebrated all over
the habitable earth. Now when Sabbeus and Tlteodosius had given
leave to Andronicus to speak first, he began to demonstrate out
of the law, and out of the successions of the high priests, how
they every one in succession from his father had received that
dignity, and ruled over the temple; and how all the kings of Asia
had honored that temple with their donations, and with the most
splendid gifts dedicated thereto. But as for that at Gerizzm,
he made no account of it, and regarded it as if it had never had
a being. By this speech, and other arguments, Andronicus persuaded
the king to determine that the temple at Jerusalem was built according
to the laws of Moses, (6) and to put Sabbeus and Theodosius to
death. And these were the events that befell the Jews at Alexandria
in the days of Ptolemy Philometor.
CHAPTER 7.
HOW ALEXANDER HONORED JONATHAN AFTER AN EXTRAORDINARY MANNER;
AND HOW DEMETRIUS, THE SON OF DEMETRIUS, OVERCAME ALEXANDER AND
MADE A LEAGUE OF FRIENDSHIP WITH JONATHAN.
1. DEMETRIUS being thus slain in battle, as we have above related,
Alexander took the kingdom of Syria; and wrote to Ptolemy Philometor,
and desired his daughter in marriage; and said it was but just
that he should be joined an affinity to one that had now received
the principality of his forefathers, and had been promoted to
it by God's providence, and had conquered Demetrius, and that
was on other accounts not unworthy of being related to him. Ptolemy
received this proposal of marriage gladly; and wrote him an answer,
saluting him on account of his having received the principality
of his forefathers; and promising him that he would give him his
daughter in marriage; and assured him that he was coming to meet
him at Ptolemais, and desired that he would there meet him, for
that he would accompany her from Egypt so far, and would there
marry his child to him. When Ptolemy had written thus, he came
suddenly to Ptolemais, and brought his daughter Cleopatra along
with him; and as he found Alexander there before him, as he desired
him to come, he gave him his child in marriage, and for her portion
gave her as much silver and gold as became such a king to give.
2. When the wedding was over, Alexander wrote to Jonathan the
high priest, and desired him to come to Ptolemais. So when he
came to these kings, and had made them magnificent presents, he
was honored by them both. Alexander compelled him also to put
off his own garment, and to take a purple garment, and made him
sit with him in his throne; and commanded his captains that they
should go with him into the middle of the city, and proclaim,
that it was not permitted to any one to speak against him, or
to give him any disturbance. And when the captains had thus done,
those that were prepared to accuse Jonathan, and who bore him
ill-will, when they saw the honor that was done him by proclamation,
and that by the king's order, ran away, and were afraid lest some
mischief should befall them. Nay, king Alexander was so very kind
to Jonathan, that he set him down as the principal of his friends.
3. But then, upon the hundred and sixty-fifth year, Demetrius,
the son of Demetrius, came from Crete with a great number of mercenary
soldiers, which Lasthenes, the Cretian, brought him, and sailed
to Cilicia. This thing cast Alexander into great concern and disorder
when he heard it; so he made haste immediately out of Phoenicia,
and came to Antioch, that he might put matters in a safe posture
there before Demetrius should come. He also left Apollonius Daus
(7) governor of Celesyria, who coming to Jamnia with a great army,
sent to Jonathan the high priest, and told him that it was not
right that he alone should live at rest, and with authority, and
not be subject to the king; that this thing had made him a reproach
among all men, that he had not yet made him subject to the king.
"Do not thou therefore deceive thyself, and sit still among
the mountains, and pretend to have forces with thee; but if thou
hast any dependence on thy strength, come down into the plain,
and let our armies be compared together, and the event of the
battle will demonstrate which of us is the most courageous. However,
take notice, that the most valiant men of every city are in my
army, and that these are the very men who have always beaten thy
progenitors; but let us have the battle in such a place of the
country where we may fight with weapons, and not with stones,
and where there may be no place whither those that are beaten
may fly."
4. With this Jonathan was irritated; and choosing himself out
ten thousand of his soldiers, he went out of Jerusalem in haste,
with his brother Simon, and came to Joppa, and pitched his camp
on the outside of the city, because the people of Joppa had shut
their gates against him, for they had a garrison in the city put
there by Apollonius. But when Jonathan was preparing to besiege
them, they were afraid he would take them by force, and so they
opened the gates to him. But Apollonius, when he heard that Joppa
was taken by Jonathan, took three thousand horsemen, and eight
thousand footmen and came to Ashdod; and removing thence, he made
his journey silently and slowly, and going up to Joppa, he made
as if he was retiring from the place, and so drew Jonathan into
the plain, as valuing himself highly upon his horsemen, and having
his hopes of victory principally in them. However, Jonathan sallied
out, and pursued Apollonius to Ashdod; but as soon as Apollonius
perceived that his enemy was in the plain, he came back and gave
him battle. But Apollonius had laid a thousand horsemen in ambush
in a valley, that they might be seen by their enemies as behind
them; which when Jonathan perceived, he was under no consternation,
but ordering his army to stand in a square battle-array, he gave
them a charge to fall on the enemy on both sides, and set them
to face those that attacked them both before and behind; and while
the fight lasted till the evening, he gave part of his forces
to his brother Simon, and ordered him to attack the enemies; but
for himself, he charged those that were with him to cover themselves
with their armor, and receive the darts of the horsemen, who did
as they were commanded; so that the enemy's horsemen, while they
threw their darts till they had no more left, did them no harm,
for the darts that were thrown did not enter into their bodies,
being thrown upon the shields that were united and conjoined together,
the closeness of which easily overcame the force of the darts,
and they flew about without any effect. But when the enemy grew
remiss in throwing their darts from morning till late at night,
Simon perceived their weariness, and fell upon the body of men
before him; and because his soldiers showed great alacrity, he
put the enemy to flight. And when the horsemen saw that the footmen
ran away, neither did they stay themselves, but they being very
weary, by the duration of the fight till the evening, and their
hope from the footmen being quite gone, they basely ran away,
and in great confusion also, till they were separated one from
another, and scattered over all the plain. Upon which Jonathan
pursued them as far as Ashdod, and slew a great many of them,
and compelled the rest, in despair of escaping, to fly to the
temple of Dagon, which was at Ashdod; but Jonathan took the city
on the first onset, and burnt it, and the villages about it; nor
did he abstain from the temple of Dagon itself, but burnt it also,
and destroyed those that had fled to it. Now the entire multitude
of the enemies that fell in the battle, and were consumed in the
temple, were eight thousand. When Jonathan therefore had overcome
so great an army, he removed from Ashdod, and came to Askelon;
and when he had pitched his camp without the city, the people
of Askelon came out and met him, bringing him hospitable presents,
and honoring him; so he accepted of their kind intentions, and
returned thence to Jerusalem with a great deal of prey, which
he brought thence when he conquered his enemies. But when Alexander
heard that Apollonius, the general of his army, was beaten, he
pretended to be glad of it, because he had fought with Jonathan
his friend and ally against his directions. Accordingly, he sent
to Jonathan, and gave testimony to his worth; and gave him honorary
rewards, as a golden button, (8) which it is the custom to give
the king's kinsmen, and allowed him Ekron and its toparchy for
his own inheritance.
5. About this time it was that king Ptolemy, who was called Philometor,
led an army, part by the sea, and part by land, and came to Syria,
to the assistance of Alexander, who was his son-in-law; and accordingly
all the cities received him willingly, as Alexander had commanded
them to do, and conducted him as far as Ashdod; where they all
made loud complaints about the temple of Dagon, which was burnt,
and accused Jonathan of having laid it waste, and destroyed the
country adjoining with fire, and slain a great number of them.
Ptolemy heard these accusations, but said nothing. Jonathan also
went to meet Ptolemy as far as Joppa, and obtained from him hospitable
presents, and those glorious in their kinds, with all the marks
of honor; and when he had conducted him as far as the river called
Eleutherus, he returned again to Jerusalem.
6. But as Ptolemy was at Ptolemais, he was very near to a most
unexpected destruction; for a treacherous design was laid for
his life by Alexander, by the means of Ammonius, who was his friend;
and as the treachery was very plain, Ptolemy wrote to Alexander,
and required of him that he should bring Ammonius to condign punishment,
informing him what snares had been laid for him by Ammonius, and
desiring that he might he accordingly punished for it. But when
Alexander did not comply with his demands, he perceived that it
was he himself who laid the design, and was very angry at him.
Alexander had also formerly been on very ill terms with the people
of Antioch, for they had suffered very much by his means; yet
did Ammonius at length undergo the punishment his insolent crimes
had deserved, for he was killed in an opprobrious manner, like
a woman, while he endeavored to conceal himself in a feminine
habit, as we have elsewhere related.
7. Hereupon Ptolemy blamed himself for having given his daughter
in marriage to Alexander, and for the league he had made with
him to assist him against Demetrius; so he dissolved his relation
to him, and took his daughter away from him, and immediately sent
to Demetrius, and offered to make a league of mutual assistance
and friendship with him, and agreed with him to give him his daughter
in marriage, and to restore him to the principality of his fathers.
Demetrius was well pleased with this embassage, and accepted of
his assistance, and of the marriage of his daughter. But Ptolemy
had still one more hard task to do, and that was to persuade the
people of Antioch to receive Demetrius, because they were greatly
displeased at him, on account of the injuries his father Demetrius
had done them; yet did he bring this about; for as the people
of Antioch hated Alexander on Ammonius's account, as we have shown
already, they were easily prevailed with to cast him out of Antioch;
who, thus expelled out of Antioch, came into Cilicia. Ptolemy
came then to Antioch, and was made king by its inhabitants, and
by the army; so that he was forced to put on two diadems, the
one of Asia, the other of Egypt: but being naturally a good and
a righteous man, and not desirous of what belonged to others,
and besides these dispositions, being also a wise man in reasoning
about futurities, he determined to avoid the envy of the Romans;
so he called the people of Antioch together to an assembly, and
persuaded them to receive Demetrius; and assured them that he
would not be mindful of what they did to his father in case he
should he now obliged by them; and he undertook that he would
himself be a good monitor and governor to him, and promised that
he would not permit him to attempt any bad actions; but that,
for his own part, he was contented with the kingdom of Egypt.
By which discourse he persuaded the people of Antioch to receive
Demetrius.
8. But now Alexander made haste with a numerous and great army,
and came out of Cilicia into Syria, and burnt the country belonging
to Antioch, and pillaged it; whereupon Ptolemy, and his son-in-law
Demetrius, brought their army against him, (for he had already
given him his daughter in marriage,) and beat Alexander, and put
him to flight; and accordingly he fled into Arabia. Now it happened
in the time of the battle that Ptolemy' horse, upon hearing the
noise of an elephant, cast him off his back, and threw him on
the ground; upon the sight of which accident, his enemies fell
upon him, and gave him many wounds upon his head, and brought
him into danger of death; for when his guards caught him up, he
was so very ill, that for four days' time he was not able either
to understand or to speak. However, Zabdiel, a prince among the
Arabians, cut off Alexander's head, and sent it to Ptolemy, who
recovering of his wounds, and returning to his understanding,
on the fifth day, heard at once a most agreeable hearing, and
saw a most agreeable sight, which were the death and the head
of Alexander; yet a little after this his joy for the death of
Alexander, with which he was so greatly satisfied, he also departed
this life. Now Alexander, who was called Balas, reigned over Asia
five years, as we have elsewhere related.
9. But when Demetrius, who was styled Nicator, (9) had taken the
kingdom, he was so wicked as to treat Ptolemy's soldiers very
hardly, neither remembering the league of mutual assistance that
was between them, nor that he was his son-in-law and kinsman,
by Cleopatra's marriage to him; so the soldiers fled from his
wicked treatment to Alexandria; but Demetrius kept his elephants.
But Jonathan the high priest levied an army out of all Judea,
and attacked the citadel at Jerusalem, and besieged it. It was
held by a garrison of Macedonians, and by some of those wicked
men who had deserted the customs of their forefathers. These men
at first despised the attempts of Jonathan for taking the place,
as depending on its strength; but some of those wicked men went
out by night, and came to Demetrius, and informed him that the
citadel was besieged; who was irritated with what he heard, and
took his army, and came from Antioch, against Jonathan. And when
he was at Antioch, he wrote to him, and commanded him to come
to him quickly to Ptolemais: upon which Jonathan did not intermit
the siege of the citadel, but took with him the elders of the
people, and the priests, and carried with him gold, and silver,
and garments, and a great number of presents of friendship, and
came to Demetrius, and presented him with them, and thereby pacified
the king's anger. So he was honored by him, and received from
him the confirmation of his high priesthood, as he had possessed
it by the grants of the kings his predecessors. And when the Jewish
deserters accused him, Demetrius was so far from giving credit
to them, that when he petitioned him that he would demand no more
than three hundred talents for the tribute of all Judea, and the
three toparchies of Samaria, and Perea, and Galilee, he complied
with the proposal, and gave him a letter confirming all those
grants; whose contents were as follows: "King Demetrius to
Jonathan his brother, and to the nation of the Jews, sendeth greeting.
We have sent you a copy of that epistle which we have written
to Lasthones our kinsman, that you may know its contents. "King
Demetrus to Lasthenes our father, sendeth greeting. I have determined
to return thanks, and to show favor to the nation of the Jews,
which hath observed the rules of justice in our concerns. Accordingly,
I remit to them the three prefectures, Apherims, and Lydda, and
Ramatha, which have been added to Judea out of Samaria, with their
appurtenances; as also what the kings my predecessors received
from those that offered sacrifices in Jerusalem, and what are
due from the fruits of the earth, and of the trees, and what else
belongs to us; with the salt-pits, and the crowns that used to
be presented to us. Nor shall they be compelled to pay any of
those taxes from this time to all futurity. Take care therefore
that a copy of this epistle be taken, and given to Jonathan, and
be set up in an eminent place of their holy temple.'" And
these were the contents of this writing. And now when Demetrius
saw that there was peace every where, and that there was no danger,
nor fear of war, he disbanded the greatest part of his army, and
diminished their pay, and even retained in pay no others than
such foreigners as came up with him from Crete, and from the other
islands. However, this procured him ill-will and hatred from the
soldiers; on whom he bestowed nothing from this time, while the
kings before him used to pay them in time of peace as they did
before, that they might have their good-will, and that they might
be very ready to undergo the difficulties of war, if any occasion
should require it.
CHAPTER 5.
HOW TRYPHO AFTER HE HAD BEATEN DEMETRIUS DELIVERED THE KINGDOM
TO ANTIOCHUS THE SON OF ALEXANDER, AND GAINED JONATHAN FOR HIS
ASSISTANT; AND CONCERNING THE ACTIONS AND EMBASSIES OF JONATHAN.
1. NOW there was a certain commander of Alexander's forces, an
Apanemian by birth, whose name was Diodotus, and was also called
Trypho, took notice the ill-will of the soldiers bare to Demetrius,
and went to Malchus the Arabian, who brought up Antiochus, the
son of Alexander, and told him what ill-will the army bare Demetrius,
and persuaded him to give him Antiochus, because he would make
him king, and recover to him the kingdom of his father. Malchus
at the first opposed him in this attempt, because he could not
believe him; but when Trypho lay hard at him for a long time,
he over-persuaded him to comply with Trypho's intentions and entreaties.
And this was the state Trypho was now in.
2. But Jonathan the high priest, being desirous to get clear of
those that were in the citadel of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish
deserters, and wicked men, as well as of those in all the garrisons
in the country, sent presents and ambassadors to Demetrius, and
entreated him to take away his soldiers out of the strong holds
of Judea. Demetrius made answer, that after the war, which he
was now deeply engaged in, was over, he would not only grant him
that, but greater things than that also; and he desired he would
send him some assistance, and informed him that his army had deserted
him. So Jonathan chose out three thousand of his soldiers, and
sent them to Demetrius.
3. Now the people of Antioch hated Demetrius, both on account
of what mischief he had himself done them, and because they were
his enemies also on account of his father Demetrius, who had greatly
abused them; so they watched some opportunity which they might
lay hold on to fall upon him. And when they were informed of the
assistance that was coming to Demetrius from Jonathan, and considered
at the same time that he would raise a numerous army, unless they
prevented him, and seized upon him, they took their weapons immediately,
and encompassed his palace in the way of a siege, and seizing
upon all the ways of getting out, they sought to subdue their
king. And when he saw that the people of Antioch were become his
bitter enemies and that they were thus in arms, he took the mercenary
soldiers which he had with them, and those Jews who were sent
by Jonathan, and assaulted the Antiochians; but he was overpowered
by them, for they were many ten thousands, and was beaten. But
when the Jews saw that the Antiochians were superior, they went
up to the top of the palace, and shot at them from thence; and
because they were so remote from them by their height, that they
suffered nothing on their side, but did great execution on the
others, as fighting from such an elevation, they drove them out
of the adjoining houses, and immediately set them on fire, whereupon
the flame spread itself over the whole city, and burnt it all
down. This happened by reason of the closeness of the houses,
and because they were generally built of wood. So the Antioehians,
when they were not able to help themselves, nor to stop the fire,
were put to flight. And as the Jews leaped from the top of one
house to the top of another, and pursued them after that manner,
it thence happened that the pursuit was so very surprising. But
when the king saw that the Antiochians were were busy in saving
their children and their wives, and so did not fight any longer,
he fell upon them in the narrow passages, and fought them, and
slew a great many of them, till at last they were forced to throw
down their arms, and to deliver themselves up to Demetrius. So
he forgave them this their insolent behavior, and put an end to
the sedition; and when he had given rewards to the Jews out of
the rich spoils he had gotten, and had returned them thanks, as
the cause of his victory, he sent them away to Jerusalem to Jonathan,
with an ample testimony of the assistance they had afforded him.
Yet did he prove an ill man to Jonathan afterward, and broke the
promises he had made; and he threatened that he would make war
upon him, unless he would pay all that tribute which the Jewish
nation owed to the first kings [of Syria]. And this he had done,
if Trypho had not hindered him, and diverted his preparations
against Jonathan to a concern for his own preservation; for he
now returned out of Arabia into Syria, with the child Antiochus,
for he was yet in age but a youth, and put the diadem on his head;
and as the whole forces that had left Demetrius, because they
had no pay, came to his assistance, he made war upon Demetrius,
and joining battle with him, overcame him in the fight, and took
from him both his elephants and the city Antioch.
4. Demetrius, upon this defeat, retired into Cilicia; but the
child Antiochus sent ambassadors and an epistle to Jonathan, and
made him his friend and confederate, and confirmed to him the
high priesthood, and yielded up to him the four prefectures which
had been added to Judea. Moreover, he sent him vessels and cups
of gold, and a purple garment, and gave him leave to use them.
He also presented him with a golden button, and styled him one
of his principal friends, and appointed his brother Simon to be
the general over the forces, from the Ladder of Tyre unto Egypt.
So Jonathan was so pleased with these grants made him by Antiochus,
that he sent ambassadors to him and to Trypho, and professed himself
to be their friend and confederate, and said he would join with
him in a war against Demetrius, informing him that he had made
no proper returns for the kindness he had done him; for that when
he had received many marks of kindness from him, when he stood
in great need of them, he, for such good turns, had requited him
with further injuries.
5. So Antiochus gave Jonathan leave to raise himself a numerous
army out of Syria and Phoenicia and to make war against Demetrius's
generals; whereupon he went in haste to the several cities which
received him splendidly indeed, but put no forces into his hands.
And when he was come from thence to Askelon, the inhabitants of
Askelon came and brought him presents, and met him in a splendid
manner. He exhorted them, and every one of the cities of Celesyria,
to forsake Demetrius, and to join with Antiochus; and, in assisting
him, to endeavor to punish Demetrius for what offenses he had
been guilty of against themselves; and told them there were many
reasons for that their procedure, if they had a mind so to do.
And when he had persuaded those cities to promise their assistance
to Antiochus, he came to Gaza, in order to induce them also to
be friends to Antiochus; but he found the inhabitants of Gaza
much more alienated from him than he expected, for they had shut
their gates against him; and although they had deserted Demetrius,
they had not resolved to join themselves to Antiochus. This provoked
Jonathan to besiege them, and to harass their country; for as
he set a part of his army round about Gaza itself, so with the
rest he overran their land, and spoiled it, and burnt what was
in it. When the of Gaza saw themselves in this state of affliction,
and that no assistance came to them from Demetrius, that what
distressed them was at hand, but what should profit them was still
at a great distance, and it was uncertain whether it would come
at all or not, they thought it would he prudent conduct to leave
off any longer continuance with them, and to cultivate friendship
with the other; so they sent to Jonathan, and professed they would
be his friends, and afford him assistance: for such is the temper
of men, that before they have had the trial of great afflictions,
they do not understand what is for their advantage; but when they
find themselves under such afflictions, they then change their
minds, and what it had been better for them to have done before
they had been at all damaged, they choose to do, but not till
after they have suffered such damages. However, he made a league
of friendship with them, and took from them hostages for their
performance of it, and sent these hostages to Jerusalem, while
he went himself over all the country, as far as Damascus.
6. But when he heard that the generals of Demetrius's forces were
come to the city Cadesh with a numerous army, (the place lies
between the land of the Tyrians and Galilee,)for they supposed
they should hereby draw him out of Syria, in order to preserve
Galilee, and that he would not overlook the Galileans, who were
his own people, when war was made upon them, he went to meet them,
having left Simon in Judea, who raised as great an army as he
was able out of the country, and then sat down before Bethsura,
and besieged it, that being the strongest place in all Judea;
and a garrison of Demetrius's kept it, as we have already related.
But as Simon was raising banks, and bringing his engines of war
against Bethsura, and was very earnest about the siege of it,
the garrison was afraid lest the place should be taken of Simon
by force, and they put to the sword; so they sent to Simon, and
desired the security of his oath, that they should come to no
harm from him, and that they would leave the place, and go away
to Demetrius. Accordingly he gave them his oath, and ejected them
out of the city, and he put therein a garrison of his own.
7. But Jonathan removed out of Galilee, and from the waters which
are called Gennesar, for there he was before encamped, and came
into the plain that is called Asor, without knowing that the enemy
was there. When therefore Demetrius's men knew a day beforehand
that Jonathan was coming against them, they laid an ambush in
the mountain, who were to assault him on the sudden, while they
themselves met him with an army in the plain; which army, when
Jonathan saw ready to engage him, he also got ready his own soldiers
for the battle as well as he was able; but those that were laid
in ambush by Demetrius's generals being behind them, the Jews
were afraid lest they should be caught in the midst between two
bodies, and perish; so they ran away in haste, and indeed all
the rest left Jonathan; but a few there were, in number about
fifty, who staid with him, and with them Mattathias, the son of
Absalom, and Judas, the son of Chapseus, who were commanders of
the whole army. These marched boldly, and like men desperate,
against the enemy, and so pushed them, that by their courage they
daunted them, and with their weapons in their hands they put them
to flight. And when those soldiers of Jonathan that had retired
saw the enemy giving way, they got together after their flight,
and pursued them with great violence; and this did they as far
as Cadesh, where the camp of the enemy lay.
8. Jonathan having thus gotten a glorious victory, and slain two
thousand of the enemy, returned to Jerusalem. So when he saw that
all his affairs prospered according to his mind, by the providence
of God, he sent ambassadors to the Romans, being desirous of renewing
that friendship which their nation had with them formerly. He
enjoined the same ambassadors, that, as they came back, they should
go to the Spartans, and put them in mind of their friendship and
kindred. So when the ambassadors came to Rome, they went into
their senate, and said what they were commanded by Jonathan the
high priest to say, how he had sent them to confirm their friendship.
The senate then confirmed what had been formerly decreed concerning
their friendship with the Jews, and gave them letters to carry
to all the kings of Asia and Europe, and to the governors of the
cities, that they might safely conduct them to their own country.
Accordingly, as they returned, they came to Sparta, and delivered
the epistle which they had received of Jonathan to them; a copy
of which here follows: "Jonathan the high priest of the Jewish
nation, and the senate, and body of the people of the Jews, to
the ephori, and senate, and people of the Lacedemonians, send
greeting. If you be well, and both your public and private affairs
be agreeable to your mind, it is according to our wishes. We are
well also. When in former times an epistle was brought to Onias,
who was then our high priest, from Areus, who at that time was
your king, by Demoteles, concerning the kindred that was between
us and you, a copy of which is here subjoined, we both joyfully
received the epistle, and were well pleased with Demoteles and
Areus, although we did not need such a demonstration, because
we were satisfied about it from the sacred writings (10) yet did
not we think fit first to begin the claim of this relation to
you, lest we should seem too early in taking to ourselves the
glory which is now given us by you. It is a long time since this
relation of ours to you hath been renewed; and when we, upon holy
and festival days, offer sacrifices to God, we pray to him for
your preservation and victory. As to ourselves, although we have
had many wars that have compassed us around, by reason of the
covetousness of our neighbors, yet did not we determine to be
troublesome either to you, or to others that were related to us;
but since we have now overcome our enemies, and have occasion
to send Numenius the son of Antiochus, and Antipater the son of
Jason, who are both honorable men belonging to our senate, to
the Romans, we gave them this epistle to you also, that they might
renew that friendship which is between us. You will therefore
do well yourselves to write to us, and send us an account of what
you stand in need of from us, since we are in all things disposed
to act according to your desires." So the Lacedemonians received
the ambassadors kindly, and made a decree for friendship and mutual
assistance, and sent it to them.
9. At this time there were three sects among the Jews, who had
different opinions concerning human actions; the one was called
the sect of the Pharisees, another the sect of the Sadducees,
and the other the sect of the Essens. Now for the Pharisees, (11)
they say that some actions, but not all, are the work of fate,
and some of them are in our own power, and that they are liable
to fate, but are not caused by fate. But the sect of the Essens
affirm, that fate governs all things, and that nothing befalls
men but what is according to its determination. And for the Sadducees,
they take away fate, and say there is no such thing, and that
the events of human affairs are not at its disposal; but they
suppose that all our actions are in our own power, so that we
are ourselves the causes of what is good, and receive what is
evil from our own folly. However, I have given a more exact account
of these opinions in the second book of the Jewish War.
10. But now the generals of Demetrius being willing to recover
the defeat they had had, gathered a greater army together than
they had before, and came against Jonathan; but as soon as he
was informed of their coming, he went suddenly to meet them, to
the country of Hamoth, for he resolved to give them no opportunity
of coming into Judea; so he pitched his camp at fifty furlongs'
distance from the enemy, and sent out spies to take a view of
their camp, and after what manner they were encamped. When his
spies had given him full information, and had seized upon some
of them by night, who told him the enemy would soon attack him,
he, thus apprized beforehand, provided for his security, and placed
watchmen beyond his camp, and kept all his forces armed all night;
and he gave them a charge to be of good courage, and to have their
minds prepared to fight in the night time, if they should be obliged
so to do, lest their enemy's designs should seem concealed from
them. But when Demetrius's commanders were informed that Jonathan
knew what they intended, their counsels were disordered, and it
alarmed them to find that the enemy had discovered those their
intentions; nor did they expect to overcome them any other way,
now they had failed in the snares they had laid for them; for
should they hazard an open battle, they did not think they should
be a match for Jonathan's army, so they resolved to fly; and having
lighted many fires, that when the enemy saw them they might suppose
they were there still, they retired. When Jonathan came to give
them battle in the morning in their camp, and found it deserted,
and understood they were fled, he pursued them; yet he could not
overtake them, for they had already passed over the river Eleutherus,
and were out of danger. So when Jonathan was returned thence,
he went into Arabia, and fought against the Nabateans, and drove
away a great deal of their prey, and took [many] captives, and
came to Damascus, and there sold off what he had taken. About
the same time it was that Simon his brother went over all Judea
and Palestine, as far as Askelon, and fortified the strong holds;
and when he had made them very strong, both in the edifices erected,
and in the garrisons placed in them, he came to Joppa; and when
he had taken it, he brought a great garrison into it, for he heard
that the people of Joppa were disposed to deliver up the city
to Demetrius's generals.
11. When Simon and Jonathan had finished these affairs, they returned
to Jerusalem, where Jonathan gathered all the people together,
and took counsel to restore the walls of Jerusalem, and to rebuild
the wall that encompassed the temple, which had been thrown down,
and to make the places adjoining stronger by very high towers;
and besides that, to build another wall in the midst of the city,
in order to exclude the market-place from the garrison, which
was in the citadel, and by that means to hinder them from any
plenty of provisions; and moreover, to make the fortresses that
were in the country much stronger and more defensible than they
were before. And when these things were approved of by the multitude,
as rightly proposed, Jonathan himself took care of the building
that belonged to the city, and sent Simon away to make the fortresses
in the country more secure than formerly. But Demetrius passed
over [Euphrates], and came into Mesopotamia, as desirous to retain
that country still, as well as Babylon; and when he should have
obtained the dominion of the upper provinces, to lay a foundation
for recovering his entire kingdom; for those Greeks and Macedonians
who dwelt there frequently sent ambassadors to him, and promised,
that if he would come to them, they would deliver themselves up
to him, and assist him in fighting against Arsaces, (12) the king
of the Parthians. So he was elevated with these hopes, and came
hastily to them, as having resolved, that if he had once overthrown
the Parthians, and gotten an army of his own, he would make war
against Trypho, and eject him out of Syria; and the people of
that country received him with great alacrity. So he raised forces,
with which he fought against Arsaces, and lost all his army, and
was himself taken alive, as we have elsewhere related.
CHAPTER 6.
HOW JONATHAN WAS SLAIN BY TREACHERY; AND HOW THEREUPON THE
JEWS MADE SIMON THEIR GENERAL AND HIGH PRIEST: WHAT COURAGEOUS
ACTIONS HE ALSO PERFORMED ESPECIALLY AGAINST TRYPHO.
1. NOW when Trypho knew what had befallen Demetrius, he was no
longer firm to Antiochus, but contrived by subtlety to kill him,
and then take possession of his kingdom; but the fear that he
was in of Jonathan was an obstacle to this his design, for Jonathan
was a friend to Antiochus, for which cause he resolved first to
take Jonathan out of the way, and then to set about his design
relating to Antiochus; but he judging it best to take him off
by deceit and treachery, came from Antioch to Bethshan, which
by the Greeks is called Scythopolis, at which place Jonathan met
him with forty thousand chosen men, for he thought that he came
to fight him; but when he perceived that Jonathan was ready to
fight, he attempted to gain him by presents and kind treatment,
and gave order to his captains to obey him, and by these means
was desirous to give assurance of his good-will, and to take away
all suspicions out of his mind, that so he might make him careless
and inconsiderate, and might take him when he was unguarded. He
also advised him to dismiss his army, because there was no occasion
for bringing it with him when there was no war, but all was in
peace. However, he desired him to retain a few about him, and
go with him to Ptolemais, for that he would deliver the city up
to him, and would bring all the fortresses that were in the country
under his dominion; and he told him that he came with those very
designs.
2. Yet did not Jonathan suspect any thing at all by this his management,
but believed that Trypho gave him this advice out of kindness,
and with a sincere design. Accordingly, he dismissed his army,
and retained no more than three thousand of them with him, and
left two thousand in Galilee; and he himself, with one thousand,
came with Trypho to Ptolemais. But when the people of Ptolemais
had shut their gates, as it had been commanded by Trypho to do,
he took Jonathan alive, and slew all that were with him. He also
sent soldiers against those two thousand that were left in Galilee,
in order to destroy them; but those men having heard the report
of what had happened to Jonathan, they prevented the execution;
and before those that were sent by Trypho came, they covered themselves
with their armor, and went away out of the country. Now when those
that were sent against them saw that they were ready to fight
for their lives, they gave them no disturbance, but returned back
to Trypho.
3. But when the people of Jerusalem heard that Jonathan was taken,
and that the soldiers who were with him were destroyed, they deplored
his sad fate; and there was earnest inquiry made about him by
every body, and a great and just fear fell upon them, and made
them sad, lest, now they were deprived of the courage and conduct
of Jonathan, the nations about them should bear them ill-will;
and as they were before quiet on account of Jonathan they should
now rise up against them, and by making war with them, should
force them into the utmost dangers. And indeed what they suspected
really befell them; for when those nations heard of the death
of Jonathan, they began to make war with the Jews as now destitute
of a governor and Trypho himself got an army together, and had
intention to go up to Judea, and make war against its inhabitants.
But when Simon saw that the people of Jerusalem were terrified
at the circumstances they were in, he desired to make a speech
to them, and thereby to render them more resolute in opposing
Trypho when he should come against them. He then called the people
together into the temple, and thence began thus to encourage them:
"O my countrymen, you are not ignorant that our father, myself,
and my brethren, have ventured to hazard our lives, and that willingly,
for the recovery of your liberty; since I have therefore such
plenty of examples before me, and we of our family have determined
with ourselves to die for our laws, and our Divine worship, there
shall no terror be so great as to banish this resolution from
our souls, nor to introduce in its place a love of life, and a
contempt of glory. Do you therefore follow me with alacrity whithersoever
I shall lead you, as not destitute of such a captain as is willing
to suffer, and to do the greatest things for you; for neither
am I better than my brethren that I should be sparing of my own
life, nor so far worse than they as to avoid and refuse what they
thought the most honorable of all things, - I mean, to undergo
death for your laws, and for that worship of God which is peculiar
to you; I will therefore give such proper demonstrations as will
show that I am their own brother; and I am so bold as to expect
that I shall avenge their blood upon our enemies, and deliver
you all with your wives and children from the injuries they intend
against you, and, with God's assistance, to preserve your temple
from destruction by them; for I see that these nations have you
in contempt, as being without a governor, and that they thence
are encouraged to make war against you."
4. By this speech of Simon he inspired the multitude with courage;
and as they had been before dispirited through fear, they were
now raised to a good hope of better things, insomuch that the
whole multitude of the people cried out all at once that Simon
should be their leader; and that instead of Judas and Jonathan
his brethren, he should have the government over them; and they
promised that they would readily obey him in whatsoever he should
command them. So he got together immediately all his own soldiers
that were fit for war, and made haste in rebuilding the walls
of the city, and strengthening them by very high and strong towers,
and sent a friend of his, one Jonathan, the son of Absalom, to
Joppa, and gave him order to eject the inhabitants out of the
city, for he was afraid lest they should deliver up the city to
Trypho; but he himself staid to secure Jerusalem.
5. But Trypho removed from Ptoeinais with a great army, and came
into Judea, and brought Jonathan with him in bonds. Simon also
met him with his army at the city Adida, which is upon a hill,
and beneath it lie the plains of Judea. And when Trypho knew that
Simon was by the Jews made their governor, he sent to him, and
would have imposed upon him by deceit and trencher, and desired,
if he would have his brother Jonathan released, that he would
send him a hundred talents of silver, and two of Jonathan's sons
as hostages, that when he shall be released, he may not make Judea
revolt from the king; for that at present he was kept in bonds
on account of the money he had borrowed of the king, and now owed
it to him. But Simon was aware of the craft of Trypho; and although
he knew that if he gave him the money he should lose it, and that
Trypho would not set his brother free and withal should deliver
the sons of Jonathan to the enemy, yet because he was afraid that
he should have a calumny raised against him among the multitude
as the cause of his brother's death, if he neither gave the money,
nor sent Jonathan's sons, he gathered his army together, and told
them what offers Trypho had made; and added this, that the offers
were ensnaring and treacherous, and yet that it was more eligible
to send the money and Jonathan's sons, than to be liable to the
imputation of not complying with Trypho's offers, and thereby
refusing to save his brother. Accordingly, Simon sent the sons
of Jonathan and the money; but when Trypho had received them,
he did not keep his promise, nor set Jonathan free, but took his
army, and went about all the country, and resolved to go afterward
to Jerusalem by the way of Idumea, while Simon went over against
him with his army, and all along pitched his own camp over against
his.
6. But when those that were in the citadel had sent to Trypho,
and besought him to make haste and come to them, and to send them
provisions, he prepared his cavalry as though he would be at Jerusalem
that very night; but so great a quantity of snow fell in the night,
that it covered the roads, and made them so deep, that there was
no passing, especially for the cavalry. This hindered him from
coming to Jerusalem; whereupon Trypho removed thence, and came
into Celesyria, and falling vehemently upon the land of Gilead,
he slew Jonathan there; and when he had given order for his burial,
he returned himself to Antioch. However, Simon sent some to the
city Basca to bring away his brother's bones, and buried them
in their own city Modin; and all the people made great lamentation
over him. Simon also erected a very large monument for his father
and his brethren, of white and polished stone, and raised it a
great height, and so as to be seen a long way off, and made cloisters
about it, and set up pillars, which were of one stone apiece;
a work it was wonderful to see. Moreover, he built seven pyramids
also for his parents and his brethren, one for each of them, which
were made very surprising, both for their largeness and beauty,
and which have been preserved to this day; and we know that it
was Simon who bestowed so much zeal about the burial of Jonathan,
and the building of these monuments for his relations. Now Jonathan
died when he had been high priest four years (13) and had been
also the governor of his nation. And these were the circumstances
that concerned his death.
7. But Simon, who was made high priest by the multitude, on the
very first year of his high priesthood set his people free from
their slavery under the Macedonians, and permitted them to pay
tribute to them no longer; which liberty and freedom from tribute
they obtained after a hundred and seventy years (14) of the kingdom
of the Assyrians, which was after Seleucus, who was called Nicator,
got the dominion over Syria. Now the affection of the multitude
towards Simon was so great, that in their contracts one with another,
and in their public records, they wrote, "in the first year
of Simon the benefactor and ethnarch of the Jews;" for under
him they were very happy, and overcame the enemies that were round
about them; for Simon overthrew the city Gazara, and Joppa, and
Jamhis. He also took the citadel of Jerusalem by siege, and cast
it down to the ground, that it might not be any more a place of
refuge to their enemies when they took it, to do them a mischief,
as it had been till now. And when he had done this, he thought
it their best way, and most for their advantage, to level the
very mountain itself upon which the citadel happened to stand,
that so the temple might be higher than it. And indeed, when he
had called the multitude to an assembly, he persuaded them to
have it so demolished, and this by putting them in mind what miseries
they had suffered by its garrison and the Jewish deserters, and
what miseries they might hereafter suffer in case any foreigner
should obtain the kingdom, and put a garrison into that citadel.
This speech induced the multitude to a compliance, because he
exhorted them to do nothing but what was for their own good: so
they all set themselves to the work, and leveled the mountain,
and in that work spent both day and night without any intermission,
which cost them three whole years before it was removed, and brought
to an entire level with the plain of the rest of the city. After
which the temple was the highest of all the buildings, now the
citadel, as well as the mountain whereon it stood, were demolished.
And these actions were thus performed under Simon.
CHAPTER 7.
HOW SIMON CONFEDERATED HIMSELF WITH ANTIOCHUS PIUS, AND MADE
WAR AGAINST TRYPHO, AND A LITTLE AFTERWARD, AGAINST CENDEBEUS,
THE GENERAL OF ANTIOCHUS'S ARMY; AS ALSO HOW SIMON WAS MURDERED
BY HIS SON-IN-LAW PTOLEMY, AND THAT BY TREACHERY.
1. (15) Now a little while after Demetrius had been carried into
captivity, Trypho his governor destroyed Antiochus, (16) the son
of Alexander, who was also called The God, (17) and this
when he had reigned four years, though he gave it out that he
died under the hands of the surgeons. He then sent his friends,
and those that were most intimate with him, to the soldiers, and
promised that he would give them a great deal of money if they
would make him king. He intimated to them that Demetrius was made
a captive by the Parthians; and that Demetrius's brother Atitiochus,
if he came to be king, would do them a great deal of mischief,
in way of revenge for their revolting from his brother. So the
soldiers, in expectation of the wealth they should get by bestowing
the kingdom on Trypho, made him their ruler. However, when Trypho
had gained the management of affairs, he demonstrated his disposition
to be wicked; for while he was a private person, he cultivated
familiarity with the multitude, and pretended to great moderation,
and so drew them on artfully to whatsoever he pleased; but when
he had once taken the kingdom, he laid aside any further dissimulation,
and was the true Trypho; which behavior made his enemies superior
to him; for the soldiery hated him, and revolted from him to Cleopatra,
the wife of Demetrius, who was then shut up in Seleucia with her
children. But as Antiochus, the brother of Demetrius who was called
Soter, was not admitted by any of the cities on account of Trypho,
Cleopatra sent to him, and invited him to marry her, and to take
the kingdom. The reasons why she made this invitation were these:
That her friends persuaded her to it, and that she was afraid
for herself, in case some of the people of Seleucia should deliver
up the city to Trypho.
2. As Antlochuswas now come to Seleucia, and his forces increased
every day, he marched to fight Trypho; and having beaten him in
the battle, he ejected him out of the Upper Syria into Phoenicia,
and pursued him thither, and besieged him in Dora which was a
fortress hard to be taken, whither he had fled. He also sent ambassadors
to Simon the Jewish high priest, about a league of friendship
and mutual assistance; who readily accepted of the invitation,
and sent to Antiochus great sums of money and provisions for those
that besieged Dora, and thereby supplied them very plentifully,
so that for a little while he was looked upon as one of his most
intimate friends; but still Trypho fled from Dora to Apamia, where
he was taken during the siege, and put to death, when he had reigned
three years.
3. However, Antiochus forgot the kind assistance that Simon had
afforded him in his necessity, by reason of his covetous and wicked
disposition, and committed an army of soldiers to his friend Cendebeus,
and sent him at once to ravage Judea, and to seize Simon. When
Simon heard of Antiochus's breaking his league with him, although
he were now in years, yet, provoked with the unjust treatment
he had met with from Antiochus, and taking a resolution brisker
than his age could well bear, he went like a young man to act
as general of his army. He also sent his sons before among the
most hardy of his soldiers, and he himself marched on with his
army another way, and laid many of his men in ambushes in the
narrow valleys between the mountains; nor did he fail of success
in any one of his attempts, but was too hard for his enemies in
every one of them. So he led the rest of his life in peace, and
did also himself make a league with the Romans.
4. Now he was the ruler of the Jews in all eight years; but at
a feast came to his end. It was caused by the treachery of his
son-in-law Ptolemy, who caught also his wife, and two of his sons,
and kept them in bonds. He also sent some to kill John the third
son, whose name was Hyrcanus; but the young man perceiving them
coming, he avoided the danger he was in from them, (18) and made
haste into the city [Jerusalem], as relying on the good-will of
the multitude, because of the benefits they had received from
his father, and because of the hatred the same multitude bare
to Ptolemy; so that when Ptolemy was endeavoring to enter the
city by another gate, they drove him away, as having already admitted
Hyrcanus.
CHAPTER 8.
HYRCANUS RECEIVES THE HIGH PRIESTHOOD, AND EJECTS PTOLEMY OUT
OF THE COUNTRY. ANTIOCHUS MAKES WAR AGAINST HYRCANUS AND AFTERWARDS
MAKES A LEAGUE WITH HIM.
1. SO Ptolemy retired to one of the fortresses that was above
Jericho, which was called Dagon. But Hyrcanus having taken the
high priesthood that had been his father's before, and in the
first place propitiated God by sacrifices, he then made an expedition
against Ptolemy; and when he made his attacks upon the place,
in other points he was too hard for him, but was rendered weaker
than he, by the commiseration he had for his mother and brethren,
and by that only; for Ptolemy brought them upon the wall, and
tormented them in the sight of all, and threatened that he would
throw them down headlong, unless Hyrcanus would leave off the
siege. And as he thought that so far as he relaxed as to the siege
and taking of the place, so much favor did he show to those that
were dearest to him by preventing their misery, his zeal about
it was cooled. However, his mother spread out her hands, and begged
of him that he would not grow remiss on her account, but indulge
his indignation so much the more, and that he would do his utmost
to take the place quickly, in order to get their enemy under his
power, and then to avenge upon him what he had done to those that
were dearest to himself; for that death would be to her sweet,
though with torment, if that enemy of theirs might but be brought
to punishment for his wicked dealings to them. Now when his mother
said so, he resolved to take the fortress immediately; but when
he saw her beaten, and torn to pieces, his courage failed him,
and he could not but sympathize with what his mother suffered,
and was thereby overcome. And as the siege was drawn out into
length by this means, that year on which the Jews used to rest
came on; for the Jews observe this rest every seventh year, as
they do every seventh day; so that Ptolemy being for this cause
released from the war, (19) he slew the brethren of Hyrcanus,
and his mother; and when he had so done, he fled to Zeno, who
was called Cotylas, who was then the tyrant of the city Philadelphia.
2. But Antiochus, being very uneasy at the miseries that Simon
had brought upon him, he invaded Judea in the fourth years' of
his reign, and the first year of the principality of Hyrcanus,
in the hundred and sixty-second olympiad. (20) And when he had
burnt the country, he shut up Hyrcanus in the city, which he encompassed
round with seven encampments; but did just nothing at the first,
because of the strength of the walls, and because of the valor
of the besieged, although they were once in want of water, which
yet they were delivered from by a large shower of rain, which
fell at the setting of the Pleiades (21) However, about the north
part of the wall, where it happened the city was upon a level
with the outward ground, the king raised a hundred towers of three
stories high, and placed bodies of soldiers upon them; and as
he made his attacks every day, he cut a double ditch, deep and
broad, and confined the inhabitants within it as within a wall;
but the besieged contrived to make frequent sallies out; and if
the enemy were not any where upon their guard, they fell upon
them, and did them a great deal of mischief; and if they perceived
them, they then retired into the city with ease. But because Hyrcanus
discerned the inconvenience of so great a number of men in the
city, while the provisions were the sooner spent by them, and
yet, as is natural to suppose, those great numbers did nothing,
he separated the useless part, and excluded them out of the city,
and retained that part only which were in the flower of their
age, and fit for war. However, Antiochus would not let those that
were excluded go away, who therefore wandering about between the
wails, and consuming away by famine, died miserably; but when
the feast of tabernacles was at hand, those that were within commiserated
their condition, and received them in again. And when Hyrcanus
sent to Antiochus, and desired there might be a truce for seven
days, because of the festival, be gave way to this piety towards
God, and made that truce accordingly. And besides that, he sent
in a magnificent sacrifice, bulls with their horns gilded, with
all sorts of sweet spices, and with cups of gold and silver. So
those that were at the gates received the sacrifices from those
that brought them, and led them to the temple, Antiochus the mean
while feasting his army, which was a quite different conduct from
Antiochus Epiphanes, who, when he had taken the city, offered
swine upon the altar, and sprinkled the temple with the broth
of their flesh, in order to violate the laws of the Jews, and
the religion they derived from their forefathers; for which reason
our nation made war with him, and would never be reconciled to
him; but for this Antiochus, all men called him Antiochus the
Pious, for the great zeal he had about religion.
3. Accordingly, Hyrcanus took this moderation of his kindly; and
when he understood how religious he was towards the Deity, he
sent an embassage to him, and desired that he would restore the
settlements they received from their forefathers. So he rejected
the counsel of those that would have him utterly destroy the nation,
(23) by reason of their way of living, which was to others unsociable,
and did not regard what they said. But being persuaded that all
they did was out of a religious mind, he answered the ambassadors,
that if the besieged would deliver up their arms, and pay tribute
for Joppa, and the other cities which bordered upon Judea, and
admit a garrison of his, on these terms he would make war against
them no longer. But the Jews, although they were content with
the other conditions, did not agree to admit the garrison, because
they could not associate with other people, nor converse with
them; yet were they willing, instead of the admission of the garrison,
to give him hostages, and five hundred talents of silver; of which
they paid down three hundred, and sent the hostages immediately,
which king Antiochus accepted. One of those hostages was Hyrcanus's
brother. But still he broke down the fortifications that encompassed
the city. And upon these conditions Antiochus broke up the siege,
and departed.
4. But Hyrcanus opened the sepulcher of David, who excelled all
other kings in riches, and took out of it three thousand talents.
He was also the first of the Jews that, relying on this wealth,
maintained foreign troops. There was also a league of friendship
and mutual assistance made between them; upon which Hyrcanus admitted
him into the city, and furnished him with whatsoever his army
wanted in great plenty, and with great generosity, and marched
along with him when he made an expedition against the Parthians;
of which Nicolaus of Damascus is a witness for us; who in his
history writes thus: "When Antiochus had erected a trophy
at the river Lycus, upon his conquest of Indates, the general
of the Parthians, he staid there two days. It was at the desire
of Lyrcanus the Jew, because it was such a festival derived to
them from their forefathers, whereon the law of the Jews did not
allow them to travel." And truly he did not speak falsely
in saying so; for that festival, which we call Pentecost,
did then fall out to be the next day to the Sabbath. Nor is it
lawful for us to journey, either on the Sabbath day, or on a festival
day (24) But when Antiochus joined battle with Arsaces, the king
of Parthin, he lost a great part of his army, and was himself
slain; and his brother Demetrius succeeded in the kingdom of Syria,
by the permission of Arsaces, who freed him from his captivity
at the same time that Antiochus attacked Parthin, as we have formerly
related elsewhere.
CHAPTER 9.
HOW, AFTER THE DEATH OF ANTIOCHUS, HYRCANUS MADE AN EXPEDITION
AGAINST SYRIA, AND MADE A LEAGUE WITH THE ROMANS. CONCERNING THE
DEATH OF KING DEMETRIUS AND ALEXANDER.
1. BUT when Hyrcanus heard of the death of Antiochus, he presently
made an expedition against the cities of Syria, hoping to find
them destitute of fighting men, and of such as were able to defend
them. However, it was not till the sixth month that he took Medaba,
and that not without the greatest distress of his army. After
this he took Samega, and the neighboring places; and besides these,
Shechem and Gerizzim, and the nation of the Cutheans, who dwelt
at the temple which resembled that temple which was at Jerusalem,
and which Alexander permitted Sanballat, the general of his army,
to build for the sake of Manasseh, who was son-in-law to Jaddua
the high priest, as we have formerly related; which temple was
now deserted two hundred years after it was built. Hyrcanus took
also Dora and Marissa, cities of Idumea, and subdued all the Idumeans;
and permitted them to stay in that country, if they would circumcise
their genitals, and make use of the laws of the Jews; and they
were so desirous of living in the country of their forefathers,
that they submitted to the use of circumcision, (25) and of the
rest of the Jewish ways of living; at which time therefore this
befell them, that they were hereafter no other than Jews.
2. But Hyrcanus the high priest was desirous to renew that league
of friendship they had with the Romans. Accordingly, he sent an
embassage to them; and when the senate had received their epistle,
they made a league of friendship with them, after the manner following:
"Fanius, the son of Marcus, the praetor, gathered the senate
together on the eighth day before the Ides of February, in the
senate-house, when Lucius Manlius, the son of Lucius, of the Mentine
tribe, and Caius Sempronius, the son of Caius, of the Falernian
tribe, were present. The occasion was, that the ambassadors sent
by the people of the Jews (26) Simon, the son of Dositheus, and
Apollonius, the son of Alexander, and Diodorus, the son of Jason,
who were good and virtuous men, had somewhat to propose about
that league of friendship and mutual assistance which subsisted
between them and the Romans, and about other public affairs, who
desired that Joppa, and the havens, and Gazara, and the springs
[of Jordan], and the several other cities and countries of theirs,
which Antiochus had taken from them in the war, contrary to the
decree of the senate, might be restored to them; and that it might
not be lawful for the king's troops to pass through their country,
and the countries of those that are subject to them; and that
what attempts Antiochus had made during that war, without the
decree of the senate, might be made void; and that they would
send ambassadors, who should take care that restitution be made
them of what Antiochus had taken from them, and that they should
make an estimate of the country that had been laid waste in the
war; and that they would grant them letters of protection to the
kings and free people, in order to their quiet return home. It
was therefore decreed, as to these points, to renew their league
of friendship and mutual assistance with these good men, and who
were sent by a good and a friendly people." But as to the
letters desired, their answer was, that the senate would consult
about that matter when their own affairs would give them leave;
and that they would endeavor, for the time to come, that no like
injury should be done to them; and that their praetor Fanius should
give them money out of the public treasury to bear their expenses
home. And thus did Fanius dismiss the Jewish ambassadors, and
gave them money out of the public treasury; and gave the decree
of the senate to those that were to conduct them, and to take
care that they should return home in safety.
3. And thus stood the affairs of Hyrcanus the high priest. But
as for king Demetrius, who had a mind to make war against Hyrcanus,
there was no opportunity nor room for it, while both the Syrians
and the soldiers bare ill-will to him, because he was an ill man.
But when they had sent ambassadors to Ptolemy, who was called
Physcon, that he would send them one of the family at Seleueus,
in order to take the kingdom, and he had sent them Alexander,
who was called Zebina, with an army, and there had been a battle
between them, Demetrius was beaten in the fight, and fled to Cleopatra
his wife, to Ptolemais; but his wife would not receive him. He
went thence to Tyre, and was there caught; and when he had suffered
much from his enemies before his death, he was slain by them.
So Alexander took the kingdom, and made a league with Hyrcanus,
who yet, when he afterward fought with Antiochus the son of Demetrius,
who was called Grypus, was also beaten in the fight, and slain.
CHAPTER 10.
HOW UPON THE QUARREL BETWEEN ANTIOCHUS GRYPUS AND ANTIOCHUS
CYZICENUS ABOUT THE KINGDOM HYRCANUS TOOKSAMARIA, AND UTTERLY
DEMOLISHED IT; AND HOW HYRCAUS JOINED HIMSELF TO THE SECT OF THE
SADDUCEES, AND LEFT THAT OF THE PHARISEES.
1. WHEN Antiochus had taken the kingdom, he was afraid to make
war against Judea, because he heard that his brother by the same
mother, who was also called Antiochus, was raising an army against
him out of Cyzicum; so he staid in his own land, and resolved
to prepare himself for the attack he expected from his brother,
who was called Cyzicenus, because he had been brought up in that
city. He was the son of Antiochus that was called Soter, who died
in Parthia. He was the brother of Demetrius, the father of Grypus;
for it had so happened, that one and the same Cleopatra was married
to two who were brethren, as we have related elsewhere. But Antiochus
Cyzicenus coming into Syria, continued many years at war with
his brother. Now Hyrcanus lived all this while in peace; for after
the death of Antlochus, he revolted from the Macedonians, (27)
nor did he any longer pay them the least regard, either as their
subject or their friend; but his affairs were in a very improving
and flourishing condition in the times of Alexander Zebina, and
especially under these brethren, for the war which they had with
one another gave Hyrcanus the opportunity of enjoying himself
in Judea quietly, insomuch that he got an immense quantity of
money. How ever, when Antiochus Cyzicenus distressed his land,
he then openly showed what he meant. And when he saw that Antiochus
was destitute of Egyptian auxiliaries, and that both he and his
brother were in an ill condition in the struggles they had one
with another, he despised them both.
2. So he made an expedition against Samaria which was a very strong
city; of whose present name Sebaste, and its rebuilding by Herod,
we shall speak at a proper time; but he made his attack against
it, and besieged it with a great deal of pains; for he was greatly
displeased with the Samaritans for the injuries they had done
to the people of Merissa, a colony of the Jews, and confederate
with them, and this in compliance to the kings of Syria. When
he had therefore drawn a ditch, and built a double wall round
the city, which was fourscore furlongs long, he set his sons Antigonus
and Arisrobulna over the siege; which brought the Samaritans to
that great distress by famine, that they were forced to eat what
used not to be eaten, and to call for Antiochus Cyzicenus to help
them, who came readily to their assistance, but was beaten by
Aristobulus; and when he was pursued as far as Scythopolis by
the two brethren, he got away. So they returned to Samaria, and
shut them again within the wall, till they were forced to send
for the same Antiochus a second time to help them, who procured
about six thousand men from Ptolemy Lathyrus, which were sent
them without his mother's consent, who had then in a manner turned
him out of his government. With these Egyptians Antiochus did
at first overrun and ravage the country of Hyrcanus after the
manner of a robber, for he durst not meet him in the face to fight
with him, as not having an army sufficient for that purpose, but
only from this supposal, that by thus harassing his land he should
force Hyrcanus to raise the siege of Samaria; but because he fell
into snares, and lost many of his soldiers therein, he went away
to Tripoli, and committed the prosecution of the war against the
Jews to Callimander and Epicrates.
3. But as to Callimander, he attacked the enemy too rashly, and
was put to flight, and destroyed immediately; and as to Epicrates,
he was such a lover of money, that he openly betrayed Scythopolis,
and other places near it, to the Jews, but was not able to make
them raise the siege of Samaria. And when Hyrcanus had taken that
city, which was not done till after a year's siege, he was not
contented with doing that only, but he demolished it entirely,
and brought rivulets to it to drown it, for he dug such hollows
as might let the water run under it; nay, he took away the very
marks that there had ever been such a city there. Now a very surprising
thing is related of this high priest Hyrcanus, how God came to
discourse with him; for they say that on the very same day on
which his sons fought with Antiochus Cyzicenus, he was alone in
the temple, as high priest, offering incense, and heard a voice,
that his sons had just then overcome Antiochus. And this he openly
declared before all the multitude upon his coming out of the temple;
and it accordingly proved true; and in this posture were the affairs
of Hyrcanus.
4. Now it happened at this time, that not only those Jews who
were at Jerusalem and in Judea were in prosperity, but also those
of them that were at Alexandria, and in Egypt and Cyprus; for
Cleopatra the queen was at variance with her son Ptolemy, who
was called Lathyrus, and appointed for her generals Chelcias and
Ananias, the sons of that Onias who built the temple in the prefecture
of Heliopolis, like to that at Jerusalem, as we have elsewhere
related. Cleopatra intrusted these men with her army, and did
nothing without their advice, as Strabo of Cappadocia attests,
when he saith thus, "Now the greater part, both those that
came to Cyprus with us, and those that were sent afterward thither,
revolted to Ptolemy immediately; only those that were called Onias's
party, being Jews, continued faithful, because their countrymen
Chelcias and Ananias were in chief favor with the queen."
These are the words of Strabo.
5. However, this prosperous state of affairs moved the Jews to
envy Hyrcanus; but they that were the worst disposed to him were
the Pharisees, (28) who were one of the sects of the Jews, as
we have informed you already. These have so great a power over
the multitude, that when they say any thing against the king,
or against the high priest, they are presently believed. Now Hyrcanus
was a disciple of theirs, and greatly beloved by them. And when
he once invited them to a feast, and entertained them very kindly,
when he saw them in a good humor, he began to say to them, that
they knew he was desirous to be a righteous man, and to do all
things whereby he might please God, which was the profession of
the Pharisees also. However, he desired, that if they observed
him offending in any point, and going out of the right way, they
would call him back and correct him. On which occasion they attested
to his being entirely virtuous; with which commendation he was
well pleased. But still there was one of his guests there, whose
name was Eleazar, a man of an ill temper, and delighting in seditious
practices. This man said," Since thou desirest to know the
truth, if thou wilt be righteous in earnest, lay down the high
priesthood, and content thyself with the civil government of the
people," And when he desired to know for what cause he ought
to lay down the high priesthood, the other replied, "We have
heard it from old men, that thy mother had been a captive under
the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes. (29)" This story was false,
and Hyrcanus was provoked against him; and all the Pharisees had
a very great indignation against him.
6. Now there was one Jonathan, a very great friend of Hyrcanus's,
but of the sect of the Sadducees, whose notions are quite contrary
to those of the Pharisees. He told Hyrcanus that Eleazar had cast
such a reproach upon him, according to the common sentiments of
all the Pharisees, and that this would be made manifest if he
would but ask them the question, What punishment they thought
this man deserved? for that he might depend upon it, that the
reproach was not laid on him with their approbation, if they were
for punishing him as his crime deserved. So the Pharisees made
answer, that he deserved stripes and bonds, but that it did not
seem right to punish reproaches with death. And indeed the Pharisees,
even upon other occasions, are not apt to be severe in punishments.
At this gentle sentence, Hyrcanus was very angry, and thought
that this man reproached him by their approbation. It was this
Jonathan who chiefly irritated him, and influenced him so far,
that he made him leave the party of the Pharisees, and abolish
the decrees they had imposed on the people, and to punish those
that observed them. From this source arose that hatred which he
and his sons met with from the multitude: but of these matters
we shall speak hereafter. What I would now explain is this, that
the Pharisees have delivered to the people a great many observances
by succession from their fathers, which are not written in the
laws of Moses; and for that reason it is that the Sadducees reject
them, and say that we are to esteem those observances to be obligatory
which are in the written word, but are not to observe what are
derived from the tradition of our forefathers. And concerning
these things it is that great disputes and differences have arisen
among them, while the Sadducees are able to persuade none but
the rich, and have not the populace obsequious to them, but the
Pharisees have the multitude on their side. But about these two
sects, and that of the Essens, I have treated accurately in the
second book of Jewish affairs.
7. But when Hyrcanus had put an end to this sedition, he after
that lived happily, and administered the government in the best
manner for thirty-one years, and then died, (30) leaving behind
him five sons. He was esteemed by God worthy of three of the greatest
privileges, - the government of his nation, the dignity of the
high priesthood, and prophecy; for God was with him, and enabled
him to know futurities; and to foretell this in particular, that,
as to his two eldest sons, he foretold that they would not long
continue in the government of public affairs; whose unhappy catastrophe
will be worth our description, that we may thence learn how very
much they were inferior to their father's happiness.
CHAPTER 11.
HOW ARISTOBULUS, WHEN HE HAD TAKEN THE GOVERNMENT FIRST OF
ALL PUT A DIADEM ON HIS HEAD, AND WAS MOST BARBAROUSLY CRUEL TO
HIS MOTHER AND HIS BRETHREN; AND HOW, AFTER HE HAD SLAIN ANTIGONUS,
HE HIMSELF DIED.
1. NOW when their father Hyrcanus was dead, the eldest son Aristobulus,
intending to change the government into a kingdom, for so he resolved
to do, first of all put a diadem on his head, four hundred eighty
and one years and three months after the people had been delivered
from the Babylonish slavery, and were returned to their own country
again. This Aristobulus loved his next brother Antigonus, and
treated him as his equal; but the others he held in bonds. He
also cast his mother into prison, because she disputed the government
with him; for Hyrcanus had left her to be mistress of all. He
also proceeded to that degree of barbarity, as to kill her in
prison with hunger; nay, he was alienated from his brother Antigonus
by calumnies, and added him to the rest whom he slew; yet he seemed
to have an affection for him, and made him above the rest a partner
with him in the kingdom. Those calumnies he at first did not give
credit to, partly because he loved him, and so did not give heed
to what was said against him, and partly because he thought the
reproaches were derived from the envy of the relaters. But when
Antigonus was once returned from the army, and that feast was
then at hand when they make tabernacles to [the honor of God,]
it happened that Arlstobulus was fallen sick, and that Antigonus
went up most splendidly adorned, and with his soldiers about him
in their armor, to the temple to celebrate the feast, and to put
up many prayers for the recovery of his brother, when some wicked
persons, who had a great mind to raise a difference between the
brethren, made use of this opportunity of the pompous appearance
of Antigonus, and of the great actions which he had done, and
went to the king, and spitefully aggravated the pompous show of
his at the feast, and pretended that all these circumstances were
not like those of a private person; that these actions were indications
of an affectation of royal authority; and that his coming with
a strong body of men must be with an intention to kill him; and
that his way of reasoning was this: That it was a silly thing
in him, while it was in his power to reign himself, to look upon
it as a great favor that he was honored with a lower dignity by
his brother.
2. Aristobulus yielded to these imputations, but took care both
that his brother should not suspect him, and that he himself might
not run the hazard of his own safety; so he ordered his guards
to lie in a certain place that was under ground, and dark; (he
himself then lying sick in the tower which was called Antonia;)
and he commanded them, that in case Antigonus came in to him unarmed,
they should not touch any body, but if armed, they should kill
him; yet did he send to Antigonus, and desired that he would come
unarmed; but the queen, and those that joined with her in the
plot against Antigonus, persuaded the messenger to tell him the
direct contrary: how his brother had heard that he had made himself
a fine suit of armor for war, and desired him to come to him in
that armor, that he might see how fine it was. So Antigonus suspecting
no treachery, but depending on the good-will of his brother, came
to Aristobulus armed, as he used to be, with his entire armor,
in order to show it to him; but when he was come to a place which
was called Strato's Tower, where the passage happened to be exceeding
dark, the guards slew him; which death of his demonstrates that
nothing is stronger than envy and calumny, and that nothing does
more certainly divide the good-will and natural affections of
men than those passions. But here one may take occasion to wonder
at one Judas, who was of the sect of the Essens, (31) and who
never missed the truth in his predictions; for this man, when
he saw Antigonus passing by the temple, cried out to his companions
and friends, who abode with him as his scholars, in order to learn
the art of foretelling things to come?" That it was good
for him to die now, since he had spoken falsely about Antigonus,
who is still alive, and I see him passing by, although he had
foretold he should die at the place called Strato's Tower that
very day, while yet the place is six hundred furlongs off, where
he had foretold he should be slain; and still this day is a great
part of it already past, so that he was in danger of proving a
false prophet." As he was saying this, and that in a melancholy
mood, the news came that Antigonus was slain in a place under
ground, which itself was called also Strato's Tower, or of the
same name with that Cesarea which is seated at the sea. This event
put the prophet into a great disorder.
3. But Aristobulus repented immediately of this slaughter of his
brother; on which account his disease increased upon him, and
he was disturbed in his mind, upon the guilt of such wickedness,
insomuch that his entrails were corrupted by his intolerable pain,
and he vomited blood: at which time one of the servants that attended
upon him, and was carrying his blood away, did, by Divine Providence,
as I cannot but suppose, slip down, and shed part of his blood
at the very place where there were spots of Antigonus's blood,
there slain, still remaining; and when there was a cry made by
the spectators, as if the servant had on purpose shed the blood
on that place, Aristobulus heard it, and inquired what the matter
was; and as they did not answer him, he was the more earnest to
know what it was, it being natural to men to suspect that what
is thus concealed is very bad: so upon his threatening, and forcing
them by terrors to speak, they at length told him the truth; whereupon
he shed many tears, in that disorder of mind which arose from
his consciousness of what he had done, and gave a deep groan,
and said, "I am not therefore, I perceive, to be concealed
from God, in the impious and horrid crimes I have been guilty
of; but a sudden punishment is coming upon me for the shedding
the blood of my relations. And now, O thou most impudent body
of mine, how long wilt thou retain a soul that ought to die, in
order to appease the ghosts of my brother and my mother? Why dost
thou not give it all up at once? And why do I deliver up my blood
drop by drop to those whom I have so wickedly murdered?"
In saying which last words he died, having reigned a year. He
was called a lover of the Grecians; and had conferred many benefits
on his own country, and made war against Iturea, and added a great
part of it to Judea, and compelled the inhabitants, if they would
continue in that country, to be circumcised, and to live according
to the Jewish laws. He was naturally a man of candor, and of great
modesty, as Strabo bears witness, in the name of Timagenes; who
says thus: "This man was a person of candor, and very serviceable
to the Jews; for he added a country to them, and obtained a part
of the nation of the Itureans for them, and bound them to them
by the bond of the circumcision of their genitals."
CHAPTER 12.
HOW ALEXANDER WHEN HE HAD TAKEN THE GOVERNMENT MADE AN EXPEDITION
AGAINST PTOLEMAIS, AND THEN RAISED THE SIEGE OUT OF FEAR OF PTOLEMY
LATHYRUS; AND HOW PTOLEMY MADE WAR AGAINST HIM, BECAUSE HE HAD
SENT TO CLEOPATRA TO PERSUADE HER TO MAKE WAR AGAINST PTOLEMY,
AND YET PRETENDED TO BE IN FRIENDSHIP WITH HIM, WHEN HE BEAT THE
JEWS IN THE BATTLE.
1. WHEN Aristobulus was dead, his wife Salome, who, by the Greeks,
was called Alexandra, let his brethren out of prison, (for Aristobulus
had kept them in bonds, as we have said already,) and made Alexander
Janneus king, who was the superior in age and in moderation. This
child happened to be hated by his father as soon as he was born,
and could never be permitted to come into his father's sight till
he died. (32) The occasion of which hatred is thus reported: when
Hyrcanus chiefly loved the two eldest of his sons, Antigonus and
Aristobutus, God appeared to him in his sleep, of whom he inquired
which of his sons should be his successor. Upon God's representing
to him the countenance of Alexander, he was grieved that he was
to be the heir of all his goods, and suffered him to be brought
up in Galilee However, God did not deceive Hyrcanus; for after
the death of Aristobulus, he certainly took the kingdom; and one
of his brethren, who affected the kingdom, he slew; and the other,
who chose to live a private and quiet life, he had in esteem.
2. When Alexander Janneus had settled the government in the manner
that he judged best, he made an expedition against Ptolemais;
and having overcome the men in battle, he shut them up in the
city, and sat round about it, and besieged it; for of the maritime
cities there remained only Ptolemais and Gaza to be conquered,
besides Strato's Tower and Dora, which were held by the tyrant
Zoilus. Now while Antiochus Philometor, and Antiochus who was
called Cyzicenus, were making war one against another, and destroying
one another's armies, the people of Ptolemais could have no assistance
from them; but when they were distressed with this siege, Zoilus,
who possessed Strato's Tower and Dora, and maintained a legion
of soldiers, and, on occasion of the contest between the kings,
affected tyranny himself, came and brought some small assistance
to the people of Ptolemais; nor indeed had the kings such a friendship
for them, as that they should hope for any advantage from them.
Both those kings were in the case of wrestlers, who finding themselves
deficient in. strength, and yet being ashamed to yield, put off
the fight by laziness, and by lying still as long as they can.
The only hope they had remaining was from the kings of Egypt,
and from Ptolemy Lathyrus, who now held Cyprus, and who came to
Cyprus when he was driven from the government of Egypt by Cleopatra
his mother. So the people of Ptolemais sent to this Ptolemy Lathyrus,
and desired him to come as a confederate, to deliver them, now
they were in such danger, out of the hands of Alexander. And as
the ambassadors gave him hopes, that if he would pass over into
Syria, he would have the people of Gaza on the side of those of
Ptolemais; as also they said, that Zoilus, and besides these the
Sidonians, and many others, would assist them; so he was elevated
at this, and got his fleet ready as soon as possible.
3. But in this interval Demenetus, one that was of abilities to
persuade men to do as he would have them, and a leader of the
populace, made those of Ptolemais change their opinions; and said
to them, that it was better to run the hazard of being subject
to the Jews, than to admit of evident slavery by delivering themselves
up to a master; and besides that, to have not only a war at present,
but to expect a much greater war from Egypt; for that Cleopatra
would not overlook an army raised by Ptolemy for himself out of
the neighborhood, but would come against them with a great army
of her own, and this because she was laboring to eject her son
out of Cyprus also; that as for Ptolemy, if he fail of his hopes,
he can still retire to Cyprus, but that they will be left in the
greatest danger possible. Now Ptolemy, although he had heard of
the change that was made in the people of Ptolemais, yet did he
still go on with his voyage, and came to the country called Sycamine,
and there set his army on shore. This army of his, in the whole
horse and foot together, were about thirty thousand, with which
he marched near to Ptolemais, and there pitched his camp. But
when the people of Ptolemais neither received his ambassadors,
nor would hear what they had to say, he was under a very great
concern.
4. But when Zoilus and the people of Gaza came to him, and desired
his assistance, because their country was laid waste by the Jews,
and by Alexander, Alexander raised the siege, for fear of Ptolemy:
and when he had drawn off his army into his own country, he used
a stratagem afterwards, by privately inviting Cleopatra to come
against Ptolemy, but publicly pretending to desire a league of
friendship and mutual assistance with him; and promising to give
him four hundred talents of silver, he desired that, by way of
requital, he would take off Zoilus the tyrant, and give his country
to the Jews. And then indeed Ptolemy, with pleasure, made such
a league of friendship with Alexander, and subdued Zoilus; but
when he afterwards heard that he had privily sent to Cleopatra
his mother, he broke the league with him, which yet he had confirmed
with an oath, and fell upon him, and besieged Ptolemais, because
it would not receive him. However, leaving his generals, with
some part of his forces, to go on with the siege, he went himself
immediately with the rest to lay Judea waste; and when Alexander
understood this to be Ptolemy's intention, he also got together
about fifty thousand soldiers out of his own country; nay, as
some writers have said, eighty thousand (33) He then took his
army, and went to meet Ptolemy; but Ptolemy fell upon Asochis,
a city of Galilee, and took it by force on the sabbath day, and
there he took about ten thousand slaves, and a great deal of other
prey.
5. He then tried to take Sepphoris, which was a city not far from
that which was destroyed, but lost many of his men; yet did he
then go to fight with Alexander; which Alexander met him at the
river Jordan, near a certain place called Saphoth, [not far from
the river Jordan,] and pitched his camp |